Impact of a communication strategy on family satisfaction in the intensive care unit.

BACKGROUND Family satisfaction of critically ill patients has gained increased interest as important indicator to evaluate the quality of care in the intensive care unit (ICU). The family satisfaction in the ICU questionnaire (FS-ICU 24) is a well-established tool to assess satisfaction in such settings. We tested the hypothesis that an intervention, aiming at improved communication between health professionals and patients' next of kin in the ICU improves family satisfaction, as assessed by FS-ICU 24. METHODS Using a multicenter before-and-after study design, we evaluated medium-term effectiveness of VALUE, a recently proposed strategy aiming at improved communication. Satisfaction was assessed using the FS-ICU 24 questionnaire. Performance-importance plots were generated in order to identify items highly correlated with overall satisfaction but with low individual score. RESULTS A total of 163 completed family questionnaires in the pre-intervention and 118 in the post-intervention period were analyzed. Following the intervention, we observed: (1) a non-significant increase in family satisfaction summary score and sub-scores; (2) no decline in any individual family satisfaction item, and (3) improvement in items with high overall impact on satisfaction but quoted with low degree of satisfaction. CONCLUSION No significant improvement in family satisfaction of critically ill adult patients could be found after implementing the VALUE strategy. Whether these results are due to insufficient training of the new strategy or a missing effect of the strategy in our socio-economic environment remains to be shown.

Exchange Market Pressure on the Pound-Dollar Exchange Rate: 1925-1931

An investigation of exchange market pressure against the pound sterling during the inter-war period. The main findings are that a) the behavior of UK fundamentals relative to those of the USA help to explain exchange market pressure against the pound; b) during the run up to devaluation in September 1931 the monetary authorities in the UK were acting to reduce domestic credit; but that c) additional pressure was brought against the pound from speculative sources. These findings relate to current thinking on the choice of exchange rate regime as even well behaved fundamentals may not be sufficient to sustain a currency on its peg.

The Performance of Domestic and Foreign Banks: The Case of Korea and the Asian Financial Crisis

This paper considers the performance of banks, domestic and foreign, in Korea prior to, during, and immediately after the Asian financial crisis, examining how the profitability of those banks differed and identifying factors that explain why those differences existed. The performance of Korean banks deteriorated dramatically in 1998 with most banks recovering somewhat in 1999. Foreign banks did not experience the same negative effect on their returns on assets and equity as a rule. Several standard findings emerge. For example, equity to assets correlates positively with domestic, but not foreign, bank performance, as measured by the returns on assets and equity, even when the government recapitalized institutions that were performing quite badly. Also, foreign-currency deposits significantly and negatively correlate with domestic Korean bank performance, although only in the post-crisis period for regional banks. In sum, the domestic Korean banks suffered more severely from the Asian financial crisis than foreign banks.

Liberalization, Ownership, and Efficiency in Indian Banking: A Nonparametric Approach

This paper empirically estimates and analyzes various efficiency scores of Indian banks during 1997-2003 using data envelopment analysis (DEA). During the 1990s India's financial sector underwent a process of gradual liberalization aimed at strengthening and improving the operational efficiency of the financial system. It is observed, none the less, that Indian banks are still not much differentiated in terms of input or output oriented technical efficiency and cost efficiency. However, they differ sharply in respect of revenue and profit efficiencies. The results provide interesting insight into the empirical correlates of efficiency scores of Indian banks. Bank size, ownership, and the fact of its being listed on the stock exchange are some of the factors that are found to have positive impact on the average profit efficiency and to some extent revenue efficiency scores are. Finally, we observe that the median efficiency scores of Indian banks in general and of bigger banks in particular have improved considerably during the post-reform period.

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 656 - Dokumente zur Geschichte des Instituts für Sozialforschung (p. IX 49a-IX 55.1-5)

Max Horkheimer: Über Wissenschaft und Technologie in Israel. Begrüßungsrede für Mr. Ben Sira, gehalten am 8.1.1949; 1. Notizen zur Rede, 10 Blatt; 2. David Ben Gurion, "Science and Technology in Israel", Sonderdruck, 2 Blatt; Über die Antisemitismus-Forschungen des Instituts für Sozialforschung. Protokoll einer Sitzung der Frankfurter Gesellschaft für Christlich-Jüdische Zusammenarbeit, 16.Mai 1949. Typoskript (Kopie), 2 Blatt; Max Horkheimer: Über Arbeit und Pläne des Instituts für Sozialforschung in Frankfurt. Vortrag, gehalten 1949 in Frankfurt (Clubabend). Manuskript, 3 Blatt; Zur Begründung eines Instituts für Sozialforschung, 1922; 1. Senckenbergische Naturforschende Gesellschaft, Frankfurt: 1 Brief mit Unterschrift (Kopie) an die Universität Frankfurt, Kuratorium, Frankfurt, 22.8.1922; 2. Felix Weil und Kurt Albert Gerlach: "Denkschrift über die Begründung eines Instituts für Sozialforschung" (1922). Typoskript (Kopie), 5 Blatt; Carl Grünberg: Festrede, gehalten zur Einweihung des Instituts für Sozialforschung an der Universität Frankfurt am Main, am 22.6.1924. a) Kopie (Auszug) aus dem Abdruck der Rede in Frankfurter Universitätsreden 1924, 3 Blatt b) Sonderdruck Frankfurter Universitätsreden 1924, 16 Seiten; Darstellungen des Instituts für Sozialforschung (1925-51); 1. Gesellschaft für Sozialforschung, Frankfurt: "Institut für Sozialforschung an der Universität Frankfurt am Main". Sonderdruck (Kopie), Frankfurt, 1925, 29 Seiten; 1a. Hermann Weil: "Bericht über das Heimatfest in Waibstadt am 3. und 4. September und die feierliche Übergabge meines Mausoleums in den Schutz der Stadt Waibstadt". Sonderdruck, 1927, 7 Seiten; 1b. Felix Weil, 1 Brief mit Unterschrift (Kopie) an den Minister für Wissenschaft, Kunst und Volksbildung Berlin. Frankfurt, 1.11.1929, Typoskript, 31 Blatt; 1c. Columbia University: "Report of the President of Columbia University for 1934" (darin S.7: Erwähnung des Instituts für Sozialforschung und der Zeitschrift für Sozialforschung), Sonderdruck, New York, 1934, 80 Seiten; 2. "International Institute of Social Research: A short Description of Its History and Aims", New York 1935, Sonderdruck, 15 Seiten; 3. Briefbogen des Instituts für Sozialforschung mit den Namen des Research Staff und des Advisory Committee, 1 Blatt; 4. "International Institute of Social Research. A Report On Its History, Aims and Activities 1933-1938". Sonderdruck, New York 1939, 36 Seiten; 5. "Research Bureau For Post-War Economics and Its Cooperating Institutions. Annual Repost", Sonderdruck, New York, Mai 1939, 17 Seiten; 5a. Los Angeles University of Applied Education: "General Catalogue 1947-48" (mit Erwähnungen des Instituts für Sozialforschung bzw. von Mitarbeitern), Druck, 56 Seiten; 6. Einladung zur Eröffnung des Instituts für Sozialforschung am 14. November 1951. Sonderdruck, Frankfurt 1951, 2 Blatt; Über das Institut für Sozialforschung 1924-31. Tabellarische Zusammenstellung, 1931, Typoskript mit eigenhändigen und handschriftlichen Ergänzungen, 5 Blatt; Max Horkheimer: "Die gegenwärtige Lage der Sozialphilosophie und die Aufgaben eines Instituts für Sozialforschung". Öffentliche Antrittsvorlesung bei Übernahme des Lehrstuhls für Sozialphilosophie und der Leitung des Instituts für Sozialforschung, 24.1.1931, Kopie (Auszug) aus dem Abdruck der Rede in Frankfurter Universitätsreden 1931, 4 Blatt; "History and Program of the Institute of Social Research". Veröffentlicht unter dem Titel "International Institute of Social Research. A Short Description of Its History and Aims", New York (1934 od. 1935), Typoskript, 6 Blatt.; "A Digest of the History, Program and Needs of the International Institute of Social Research". 1934, als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 4 Blatt; Julian Gumperz: "Notes for a talk", Über Ziele und Methoden der Arbeit des Instituts für Sozialforschung, 1934. Typoskript mit handschriftlicher Korrektur, 10 Blatt; "Report of the President of Columbia University for the year ending June 30, 1934".Auszug daraus, 1934, Typoskript, 1 Blatt; Über Geschichte und Tätigkeiten des Instituts für Sozialforschung. Verschiedene Berichte, ca. 1934-1937: 1. Über Geschichte, Tätigkeiten und Ziele des Instituts, nicht vor 1934, Typoskript, 5 Blatt; 2. Bericht an den Präsidenten der Columbia University, 14.3.1936, Typoskript, 2 Blatt; 3. "Dr. Horkheimer's Paper Delivered on the Occasion of an Institute Luncheon Given to the Faculty of Social Sciences of Columbia University on January 12th, 1937". Typoskript, 13 Blatt; 4. Bericht an den Präsidenten der Columbia University. 18.3.1937, Typoskript, 3 Blatt; 5. Über Programm, Mitglieder und Tätigkeiten des Instituts, 1937, a) Typoskript, 2 Blatt, b) Entwurf, Typoskript, 4 Blatt; 6. Publikationsliste 1937, Typoskript, 1 Blatt; Über "Autorität und Familie" und die "Zeitschrift für Sozialforschung". 1937, Typoskript, französisch, mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 4 Blatt; Max Horkheimer: Über das Institut für Sozialforschung 1938: 1. Typoskript, englische Fassung, mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 38 Blatt; 2. Typoskript, deutsche Fassung mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 37 Blatt (G.S. 12, S. 132-164); 3. Julian Gumperz: 1 Brief an Herbert Marcuse, New York, 30.8.1938; 4. Teilstück aus früherer Fassung (?), Typoskript, 1 Blatt, 5. Entwurf zu 2., a) Typoskript, 1 Blatt, b) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen und Ergänzungen, 2 Blatt;

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 687 - "Experimental Movie Project", "The Police and Minority Groups" u.a. (p. IX 150.1-17 - IX 152.1-2)

"Experimental Movie Project" (1945-46):; 1. "Below the Surface", Drehbuch des Testfilms, a) als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 46 Blatt, b) als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 26 Blatt, c) als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 26 Blatt, d) als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 26 Blatt "Experimental Movie Project" (1945-46): Memoranden zum Test; 2. 'Notes' 25.4.1946, Typoskript, 1 Blatt; 3. "Memorandum on Experimental Movie Project", 19.4.1946. Typoskript, 3 Blatt; 4. "Memorandum re: 'Below the Surface" (Juli 1945). Typoskript, 2 Blatt; 5. Dore Schary und Allen Rivkin: 'Memorandum, Subject: New Suggested Treatment for 'Below the Surface'", 13.7.1945. Typoskript, 2 Blatt; 6. Hans Richter: "Report about the film script 'Below the surface'", 7. u. 8.7.1945, a) Typoskript, 1 Blatt, b) Typoskript, 1 Blatt; 7. Hans Richter: Bestätigung der Vereinbarung mit dem American Jewish Committee, 3.7.1945. Typoskript, 1 Blatt; 8. "Notes and Suggestions re Experimental Motion Picture", Juni 1945. Typoskript, 2 Blatt; 9. Siegfried Kracauer; "Suggestions for the Dialogue" (4.4.1945). Typoskript, 3 Blatt; 10. "Motion Picture", März 1945. Typoskript, 5 Blatt; 11. "Project on a Test film", a) Typoskript, 4 Blatt, b) Typoskript, 5 Blatt; 12. "Memorandum re: 'Below the Surface'", a) Typoskript, 3 Blatt, b) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen von Theodor W. Adorno, 3 Blatt; "Experimental Movie Project" (1945-46): Korrespondenz zum Test-Film-Projekt:; 13. Friedrich Pollock: 1 Brief an Max Horkheimer, Santa Monica, California, 12.10.1945; 14. Theodor W. Adorno: 2 Briefe an Max Horkheimer, Los Angeles und Santa Monica, California, 1945; 15. Joseph M. Proskauer: 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer, o.O., 29.6.1945, 1 Brief mit Unterschrift an Max Horkheimer, o.O., o.D., 3 Blatt; 16. Alexander Hackenschmied, 1 Brief mit Unterschrift an Max Horkheimer, New York, 19.6.1945, 1 Blatt; 17. Gilbert Gabriel: 1 Brief von John Slawson, o.O., 22.3.1945, 2 Blatt; "The Police and Minority Groups" (1946):; 1. "The Police and Minority Groups". Typoskript, 2 Blatt; 2. Robert W. Kenny: "Police and Minority Groups - an Experiment". Als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 17 Blatt; 3. Davis McEntire, Robert B. Powers: "Police Training Bulletin. A Guide to Race Relations for Police Officers", State of California, 1946, 38 Seiten; Max Horkheimer: "Memorandum on a Study of Race Hatred in Post-War Germany" (1946):; 1. Memorandum, a) Typoskript, 8 Blatt, b) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen und handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 6 Blatt, c) Typoskript, 5 Blatt, d) Teilstück, Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 1 Blatt e) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 5 Blatt, f) Teilstück, Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 2 Blatt, g) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 7 Blatt, h) Teilstück, Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen und Ergänzungen, 1 Blatt, i) Typoskript, 2 Blatt; 2. Theodor W. Adorno: "Ad Memorandum Neumann", Manuskript, 3 Blatt;

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 697 - Cultural Aspects of National Socialism. A Research Project (p. IX 170.6 - 170.10)

"Bureaucracy" verschiedene Typoskripte, zum Teil mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, circa 51 Blatt; Handschriftliche Notizen, 4 Blatt; "Mass Culture" verschiedene Typoskripte, zum Teil mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, circa 40 Blatt ; zwei Manuskripte, eins von Max Horkheimer, 3 Blatt; "Anti-Christianity" verschiedene Typoskripte, zum Teil mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, circa 51 Blatt; Eigenhändige Notizen von Max Horkheimer, 1 Blatt; "The War and Post-War Generation" verschiedene Typoskripte, zum Teil mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, darunter ein Typoskript auf deutsch, mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen von Max Horkheimer, circa 67 Blatt; "Ideological Permeation of Labor and New Middle Classes" [enthält unter anderem den Titel "The German Masses and the Philosophy of National Socialism"] verschiedene Typoskripte, zum Teil mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, circa 36 Blatt; Notizem, 2 Blatt;

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 702 - Forschungsprojekte und Memoranden zur Umgestalltung Nachkriegsdeutschlands, besonders zur Umerziehung (p. IX 172.15-16 - IX 172.27)

15. Neumann, Franz L.: "Supplement to Dr. A.R.L. Gurland's report on 'Fight against Antisemitism within the framework of Germany. Education for Democracy'" 21.11.1947. Typoskript, 9 Blatt; 16. Über Erziehung zur Demokratie in Deutschand. [= Gurland, A.R.L.: "Fight against Antisemitism within the framework of Germany. Education for Democracy"? vgl. 15.], Typoskript, mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 20 Blatt; 17. Havinghurst, Robert J.: "Report on Germany" November 1947. Als Typsokript vervielfältigt, 133 Blatt; 18. Pollock, Friedrich: "Meeting of Friedrich Pollock, Theodor W. Adorno with Dr. Eric Mann and Major Schaeffer, on December 13, 1947". Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 2 Blatt und Mann, Eric: 1 eigenhändiger Brief mit Unterschrift an Max Horkheimer, Los Angeles, 17.12.1947; 19. Speier, Hans: 1 Brief an Samuel H. Flowermann, ohne Ort, 21.11.1947, Typoskript, 5 Blatt; 20. Horkheimer, Max: Memorandum für John Slawson: "Subject: Germany", 24.06.1947; a) Typoskript, 3 Blatt; b) Typoskript, 3 Blatt; 21. Bernstein, David: "Memorandum, Subject: American Jewish Committee Mission to Germany", 23.12.1947. Als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 3 Blatt; 22. Bernstein, David: "Memorandum, Subject: Germany", 26.05.1947; a) Typoskript, 8 Blatt; b) Typoskript, 8 Blatt; 23. Bernstein, David: Entwurf des Inhalts einer Untersuchung über Antisemitismus im Nachkriegsdeutschland. Typoskript, englisch, 3 Blatt; Shuster, Zachariah und Bernstein, David: "Memorandum" für John Slawson. Zum Verhältnis von Juden, amerikanischer Besatzung und deutscher Bevölkerung, 30.05.1947. Typoskirpt, 5 Blatt; 25. "Notes on a Proposed Study of the Effects of Facism on the German Character Structure", 03.12.1945. Typoskript, 4 Blatt; 26. "Notes on Post-War Reconstruction in Europ", 20.04.1945. Typoskript, 6 Blatt; 27. Institut of Social Research: "Memorandum on the Elimination of German Chauvinism", August 1942. Typoskript, 42 Blatt;

Impact of maternal Tdap vaccination on pertussis infection in young infants

Undiagnosed infected mothers often are the source of pertussis illness in young infants. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recommends Tdap vaccine for post-partum women before hospital discharge. This intervention has been implemented at Ben Taub General Hospital (BTGH) in Houston, TX since January 2008. Our objective was to compare the proportion of infants born at BTGH and developing pertussis to the total number of pertussis cases before and after the intervention. Methods. We conducted a cross-sectional comparative study between the pre-intervention (7/2000 to 12/2007) and post-intervention (1/2008 to 5/2009) periods. Information on pertussis diagnosis was determined using ICD-9 codes, infection control records, and molecular microbiology reports from Texas Children's Hospital (TCH) and BTGH. Only patients ≤ 6 months of age with laboratory-confirmed B. pertussis infection were included in the study. Results. 481 infants had pertussis illness; 353 (73.3%) during pre-intervention and 128 (26.6%) during post-intervention years. The groups were comparable in all measures including age (median 73 vs. 62.5 days; p=0.08), gender (males 54.2%; p=0.47), length of hospitalization (median 9.8 vs. 4 9.5 days; p=0.5), outcomes (2 deaths in each period; p=0.28) and pertussis illness at TCH (95.2% vs. 95.3%; p=0.9). The proportion of pertussis patients born at BTGH, and thus amenable to protection by the intervention, was not statically different between the two periods after adjusting for age, gender and ethnicity (7.3% vs. 9.3%; an OR=1.05, 95% CI 0.5-2.1, p=0.88). Conclusions. Vaccinating only mothers with Tdap in the post-partum period does not reduce the proportion of pertussis in infants age ≤ 6 months. Efforts should be directed at Tdap immunization of not only mothers, but also all household and key contacts of newborns to protect them against pertussis illness before the primary DTaP series is completed.^

The origin and development of hyperammonemia following exposure to hydrazine in rabbits

Hydrazine $\rm (N\sb2H\sb4),$ an important liquid propellant and derivative chemical for pharmaceuticals and pesticides, produces coma and convulsions sometimes resulting in death. Hyperammonia was found in rabbits exposed to 18 mg/Kg of hydrazine. Results of Part One of this study of rabbits emphasize the importance of acute ammonia toxicity during the first three hours following exposure to hydrazine. At no time during this post exposure period did a significant reduction of hydrazine to ammonia occur. Therefore, the elevated blood ammonia was apparently secondary to the effects of hydrazine on metabolic pathways. Further, the results support the theory of competitive inhibition of ammonia by hydrazine and emphasize the need to monitor plasma ammonia following toxic exposure to hydrazine.^ In Part Two, urea, ammonia, CO$\sb2,$ pH, glucose, sodium, potassium, chloride and creatinine were measured for up to 4 hours following injection of 18 mg/Kg of hydrazine in each of two groups of five rabbits. One group received normal saline and the other group received 5% dextrose and water/normal saline. Hyperammonemia, minimal metabolic acidosis and hyperglycemia without increased urea were found in the rabbits receiving normal saline intravenous infusion and hydrazine injection. Hence, hypoglycemia does not appear to play a role in the development of hyperammonemia. A significant difference in the elevated ammonia levels between the two groups receiving dextrose and water/normal saline and normal saline at 1 hour occurred. There was no significant difference in the elevated ammonia levels seen between the two groups receiving dextrose and water/normal saline and normal saline at 2.5 and 4 hours. Thus at 1 hour the group receiving dextrose was able to utilize excess glucose to detoxify ammonia, while at 2.5 and 4 hours there was no significant difference in the two groups' ability to detoxify ammonia.^ Findings support the theory that hydrazine inhibits the formation of urea resulting in hyperammonemia. Results suggest that hydrazine at 18 mg/Kg, a known hypoglycemic agent, causes serious hyperammonemia without increasing urea production during hyperglycemia. These experiments support a unified theory for the toxic mechanism of action of hydrazine, i.e., the intermediary metabolic effects of hydrazine are brought about by the formation of hydrazones which encumber ATP synthesis and vitamin B$\sb6$ enzymatic reactions. ^

Implementation of active surveillance cultures and associated infection control practices for the reduction of methicillin resistant Staphylococcus aureus in the healthcare setting: An interrupted time series analysis

OBJECTIVE. To determine the effectiveness of active surveillance cultures and associated infection control practices on the incidence of methicillin resistant Staphylococcus aureus (MRSA) in the acute care setting. DESIGN. A historical analysis of existing clinical data utilizing an interrupted time series design. ^ SETTING AND PARTICIPANTS. Patients admitted to a 260-bed tertiary care facility in Houston, TX between January 2005 through December 2010. ^ INTERVENTION. Infection control practices, including enhanced barrier precautions, compulsive hand hygiene, disinfection and environmental cleaning, and executive ownership and education, were simultaneously introduced during a 5-month intervention implementation period culminating with the implementation of active surveillance screening. Beginning June 2007, all high risk patients were cultured for MRSA nasal carriage within 48 hours of admission. Segmented Poisson regression was used to test the significance of the difference in incidence of healthcare-associated MRSA during the 29-month pre-intervention period compared to the 43-month post-intervention period. ^ RESULTS. A total of 9,957 of 11,095 high-risk patients (89.7%) were screened for MRSA carriage during the intervention period. Active surveillance cultures identified 1,330 MRSA-positive patients (13.4%) contributing to an admission prevalence of 17.5% in high-risk patients. The mean rate of healthcare-associated MRSA infection and colonization decreased from 1.1 per 1,000 patient-days in the pre-intervention period to 0.36 per 1,000 patient-days in the post-intervention period (P<0.001). The effect of the intervention in association with the percentage of S. aureus isolates susceptible to oxicillin were shown to be statistically significantly associated with the incidence of MRSA infection and colonization (IRR = 0.50, 95% CI = 0.31-0.80 and IRR = 0.004, 95% CI = 0.00003-0.40, respectively). ^ CONCLUSIONS. It can be concluded that aggressively targeting patients at high risk for colonization of MRSA with active surveillance cultures and associated infection control practices as part of a multifaceted, hospital-wide intervention is effective in reducing the incidence of healthcare-associated MRSA.^

Los primeros sobrevivientes de la Shoa en Argentina : su imagen y memoria en la sociedad general y judía: 1945-50 (Primera Parte)

En la primera parte de esta indagación histórica se explora la imagen de los sobrevivientes en la sociedad general, con el trasfondo de la política inmigratoria argentina del peronismo entre 1946-50 que discriminaba a los refugiados judíos; después se indaga el lugar de la ayuda a esos sobrevivientes dentro de las prioridades de la comunidad judía organizada. Finalmente, se aborda un aspecto aún no investigado: el esfuerzo solitario de sus familiares residentes en Argentina para procurar, de organizaciones locales comunitarias e internacionales judías, el ingreso y socorro a los sobrevivientes que fueron localizados en los campos de personas desplazadas (DPs) y en otros lugares de Europa. Además se explora el impacto y memoria de la Shoa en los esfuerzos de reconstitución comunitaria a nivel institucional y educativa de la Kheila de Buenos Aires, realizados durante los primeros años de posguerra cuando la ayuda a los sobrevivientes que empezaban a arribar a Argentina quedó librada a la solitaria solidaridad de sus familiares locales y de asociaciones de coterráneos. Dada su extensión, aquí se publica la primera parte de este trabajo, el cual será completado en el número siguiente

Efecto del momento de cosecha sobre la calidad hortícola del topinambur (Helianthus tuberosus L.) conservado en cámara frigorífica

El interés por el cultivo de Topinambur (Helianthus tuberosus L.) es creciente a nivel mundial. Como toda hortaliza que se lleva al mercado, o se utiliza como materia prima para la industria, debe estar disponible a lo largo de todo el año. Por esto es importante desarrollar sistemas de almacenamiento que permitan conservar la calidad del producto el mayor tiempo posible. Existen muy pocos antecedentes sobre la conservación poscosecha de tubérculos de topinambur y las variaciones de calidad, que sufre el producto. A través del trabajo de tesis se buscó generar antecedentes sobre los efectos de la fecha de cosecha y la variedad de topinambur sobre las diferentes variables de calidad; la evolución de cada tratamiento conservado en cámara frigorífica y el efecto del lugar/condiciones (cámara frigorífica – campo) y tiempo de conservación sobre la calidad de los tubérculos. Se utilizaron dos variedades de topinambur (tubérculos rojos y blancos). Las variables respuesta ensayadas para definir atributos de calidad fueron: materia seca, sólidos solubles, firmeza, índice de color de piel y de pulpa, presencia de brotes, desarrollo de Penicillium y evolución del peso fresco. Se detectó que el período de cosecha, para garantizar la calidad de los tubérculos y buena evolución en cámara frigorífica durante todo el año, no debería extenderse más allá de los 49 días desde la ocurrencia de la primera helada para la zona de estudio, no observándose diferencias entre variedades. Para consumo en fresco se puede cosechar hasta el 98 días luego de la primera helada, pero estos tubérculos no se conservan correctamente en cámara frigorífica.

Del Movimiento al Frente : Dinámica política en el Frente Popular Darío Santillán

El grado de desintegración social, desigualdad y de fragmentación de las identidades hicieron paradigmática la crisis del ordenamiento social neoliberal en Argentina. Hacia finales de la década del noventa y a través de la politización de las distintas situaciones de precariedad, de los nuevos contextos de sociabilidad territorial y de la recuperación de lazos y redes sociales ya existentes, surgieron novedosas respuestas de acción colectiva y organización popular. Una de esas "novedades", fue la movilización de grandes agrupamientos de desocupados que protagonizaron movilizaciones -primero en el interior del país y luego en el Conurbano Bonaerense- donde alcanzaron masividad y características muy particulares. El presente trabajo se centrará particularmente en el campo de los Movimientos de Desocupados que se sitúan en la perspectiva política autónoma, y dentro de éstos, retomaremos sólo la experiencia Frente Popular Darío Santillán (FPDS) y del Movimiento de Trabajadores Desocupados "Aníbal Verón" ya que éste se constituyó como su antecedente inmediato. De esta manera, nuestra unidad de referencia será el FPDS en tanto organización y nos propondremos analizar sus dinámicas políticas, posicionamientos y reposicionamientos en la nueva coyuntura político-social abierta con el kirchnerismo en el período de la post convertibilidad, a través de la reconstrucción de su trayectoria organizativa

Tensiones sociales y políticas en la campaña bonaerense : El caso de San Isidro durante el Rosismo

Abordamos la conflictividad social en San Isidro durante el Rosismo para analizar, a nivel micro, conflictos resultantes de procesos fragmentación política, dislocación del espacio económico, politización y militarización de la población en la postindependencia. Nuestro enfoque desde una infrahistoria de la conflictividad social, imbricándose tensiones sociales y políticas en nivel local, recobra la agencia histórica de sujetos subalternos para la reconstrucción de su experiencia en los pequeños acontecimientos cotidianos. Mostraremos cómo la conflictividad social podía expresarse en el terreno de lo político, aunque no se formulara en términos expresamente políticos