811 resultados para Political liberalization
Resumo:
People tend to automatically mimic facial expressions of others. If clear evidence exists on the effect of non-verbal behavior (emotion faces) on automatic facial mimicry, little is known about the role of verbal behavior (emotion language) in triggering such effects. Whereas it is well-established that political affiliation modulates facial mimicry, no evidence exists on whether this modulation passes also through verbal means. This research addressed the role of verbal behavior in triggering automatic facial effects depending on whether verbal stimuli are attributed to leaders of different political parties. Study 1 investigated the role of interpersonal verbs, referring to positive and negative emotion expressions and encoding them at different levels of abstraction, in triggering corresponding facial muscle activation in a reader. Study 2 examined the role of verbs expressing positive and negative emotional behaviors of political leaders in modulating automatic facial effects depending on the matched or mismatched political affiliation of participants and politicians of left-and right-wing. Study 3 examined whether verbs expressing happiness displays of ingroup politicians induce a more sincere smile (Duchenne) pattern among readers of same political affiliation relative to happiness expressions of outgroup politicians. Results showed that verbs encoding facial actions at different levels of abstraction elicited differential facial muscle activity (Study 1). Furthermore, political affiliation significantly modulated facial activation triggered by emotion verbs as participants showed more congruent and enhanced facial activity towards ingroup politicians’ smiles and frowns compared to those of outgroup politicians (Study 2). Participants facially responded with a more sincere smile pattern towards verbs expressing smiles of ingroup compared to outgroup politicians (Study 3). Altogether, results showed that the role of political affiliation in modulating automatic facial effects passes also through verbal channels and is revealed at a fine-grained level by inducing quantitative and qualitative differences in automatic facial reactions of readers.
Resumo:
Il lavoro di ricerca che si presenta è suddiviso in tre capitoli nei quali, da altrettanti punti di osservazione, è analizzato il tema della instabilità del lavoro. Nel primo capitolo, il candidato evidenzia le cause che hanno determinato il vorticoso aumento di utilizzo dei contratti di lavoro flessibili e, a tal proposito, da un prospettiva extra-nazionale, analizza le direttive europee e, i principi comuni e le guidelines che, nel percorso di sviluppo della strategia europea per l’occupazione, hanno posto la flexicurity come modello di mercato europeo tipico; dalla medesima prospettiva, prendendo spunto dai cambiamenti del mercato globale, si pone attenzione all’analisi economica del diritto del lavoro e, in particolare, alle conseguenze che le trasformazioni economiche generano sulla capacità di questa materia di tenere elevato il grado di sicurezza occupazionale connesso alla stipula dei contratti di lavoro. Il secondo capitolo è dedicato al ruolo svolto in Italia dai sindacati sul tema della flessibilità. In tal senso, l’autore evidenzia come la funzione “istituzionale” cui sono chiamate anche le organizzazioni dei lavoratori abbia caratterizzato le scelte di politica sindacale in materia di lavori temporanei; è così preso in esame il concetto di flessibilità “contrattata”, come già emerso in dottrina, e si teorizza la differenza tra rinvii “aperti” e rinvii “chiusi”, quali differenti forme di delega di potere normativo alle parti sociali in materia di flessibilità. Nel terzo ed ultimo capitolo l’autore tenta di evidenziare i vantaggi e le funzioni che derivano dall’utilizzo del contratto a termine, quale principale forma di impiego flessibile del nostro mercato del lavoro. Premessi tali benefici viene formulato un giudizio critico rispetto al grado di liberalizzazione che, con le ultime riforme, è stato ammesso per questo istituto sempre più strumento di arbitrio del datore di lavoro nella scelta della durata e delle condizioni di svolgimento della prestazione di lavoro.
Resumo:
The thesis analyses the making of the Shiite middle- and upper/entrepreneurial-class in Lebanon from the 1960s till the present day. The trajectory explores the historical, political and social (internal and external) factors that brought a sub-proletariat to mobilise and become an entrepreneurial bourgeoisie in the span of less than three generations. This work proposes the main theoretical hypothesis to unpack and reveal the trajectory of a very recent social class that through education, diaspora, political and social mobilisation evolved in a few years into a very peculiar bourgeoisie: whereas Christian-Maronite middle class practically produced political formations and benefited from them and from Maronite’s state supremacy (National Pact, 1943) reinforcing the community’s status quo, Shiites built their own bourgeoisie from within, and mobilised their “cadres” (Boltanski) not just to benefit from their renovated presence at the state level, but to oppose to it. The general Social Movement Theory (SMT), as well as a vast amount of the literature on (middle) class formation are therefore largely contradicted, opening up new territories for discussion on how to build a bourgeoisie without the state’s support (Social Mobilisation Theory, Resource Mobilisation Theory) and if, eventually, the middle class always produces democratic movements (the emergence of a social group out of backwardness and isolation into near dominance of a political order). The middle/upper class described here is at once an economic class related to the control of multiple forms of capital, and produced by local, national, and transnational networks related to flows of services, money, and education, and a culturally constructed social location and identity structured by economic as well as other forms of capital in relation to other groups in Lebanon.
Resumo:
The present study is concerned with exploring the linguistic identity construction of Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton in the context of USA 2008 Democratic Party primaries. Thus, their speeches are examined in order to detect the aspects of identity that each politician resorted to in the process of projecting a political identity. The study, however, takes a special interest in the ways in which gender identity is projected by Obama and Clinton. Moreover, the notions of gender bias as well as gender representations are also investigated.