Smart Democracy für Smart Cities – Online-Wahlhilfen und ihr Beitrag zu einer modernen Demokratie

Der Beitrag geht der Frage nach, welchen Beitrag so genannte Online-Wahlhilfen zu einer gut funktionierenden modernen Demokratie leisten und welche Rolle sie im Rahmen des Smart City-Konzepts einnehmen können. Dabei dient die Schweizer Online-Wahlhilfe smartvote als Fallstudie und die Gemeinderats- (Legislative) und Stadtratswahlen (Exekutive) in der Stadt Zürich vom 9. Februar 2014 als konkretes Anwendungsbeispiel. Neben der Funktionsweise wird auch erläutert, wie die Benutzung durch Parteien und Kandidierende, Medien sowie Wähler in der Praxis abläuft. Es wird auch diskutiert, was Online-Wahlhilfen leisten können. Schließlich wird darauf eingegangen, wo bei der Anwendung dieser Plattformen noch ungenutzte Potenziale stecken und welche Risiken mit ihrem Einsatz verbunden sind. Der Beitrag zeigt, wie smartvote und vergleichbare Projekte idealtypisch im Sinne einer Smart Democracy in Verknüpfung mit anderen Daten und Instrumenten die Qualität einer modernen Demokratie verbessern können.

“Se querem que façamos algo pela floresta tem que nos pagar”: As lógicas da participação dos camponeses nos Comités de Gestão dos Recursos Naturais nos distritos de Palma e Mocimboa da Praia em 2009: Relatório do trabalho de campo em Namiune, Nkonga e 5º Congresso, Maputo, Dezembro de 2010

Our study considers the natural resources of the Miombo forests in Cabo Delgado from a broad ecosystems perspective. Thus, our view goes beyond the disciplinary approaches of forestry, agronomy, biology or zoology, and also of the social sciences, namely anthropology, history, sociology, political science or economics. The present study aims to establish a dialogue and create synergies between Miti Ltd. – the logging company and owner of the forest concessions – as well as government and state structures at the various levels and the communities – through the Committees on Natural Resources – in order to promote the sustainable use of resources and ecosystems. The research methodology we used can broadly be described as moderated transdisciplinary interaction for action-research based on the approach known as Learning for Sustainability (LforS, http://www.cde.unibe.ch/Pages/Project/2/14/Learning-for-Sustainability-Extension-Approach.aspx). The research methods used include: LforS seminars; field work; forests observations focusing, among others, on ecosystems, trees, wildlife, and burned areas; visits to farms; and interviews. We conducted both collective interviews and individual interviews, including with key informants. The main results indicate that members of the Committee on Natural Resources have a dual attitude: their statements defend the paradigm of sustainable use of natural resources as well as their own immediate monetary gain. They are willing to apply the values, concepts and theories of sustainable development that underpin the establishment of Committees on Natural Resources if they are paid for their work or if they can derive direct benefits from it, i.e. if they can earn a salary or allowance. If this does not happen, however, they are willing to allow actors to engage in illegal hunting or logging activities. This dual attitude also exists in relation to forestry operators. If the concession workers pay the committee members in cash or provide goods, they can run their business even if they violate the law. Natural forest regeneration in Nkonga and Namiune already shows the impact of such use. Although there are many saplings that could basically ensure continuous regeneration under sustainable management, repeated burning is damaging the young trees, deforming them and killing a great number of them. Campaigns against uncontrolled fires are ineffective because the administrative and political authorities have a dual attitude as well and are also part of the group that uses resources to their own profit and benefit. There are institutional structures within the administration, populations, and communities to perform regulating functions, create and implement rules, punish offenders, and oversee resource use. However, they feel that since they are not paid for performing these functions, they do not have to do so. This attitude shows a lack of awareness, but also indicates a situation where everyone seeks to derive maximum benefits from existing resource use patterns. Anything goes.

Same same but different: Locational policies in small and medium-sized European cities

Globalized interurban competition is affecting cities of various sizes and locations. Small and medium-sized cities have to find ways to position themselves in global markets by formulating locational policies. This paper outlines an analytical framework of locational policies that cities adopt in order to increase their competitiveness. By comparing two European small and mediumsized cities (Lucerne and Ulm), we examine manifestations of locational policies and compare if these policies are being diverse or resemble each other. We found that strategies of both cities are sharing the intentions to be competitive, but their policy choices differ because the economic and political context is enabling or restricting certain kinds of locational policies. Furthermore, the findings point to the high explanatory power of municipal tax autonomy when studying locational policies.

Public service motivation and rational choice modeling

While most previous research has considered public service motivation (PSM) as the only motivational factor predicting (public) job choice, the authors present a novel, rational choice-based model which includes three motivational dimensions: extrinsic, enjoyment-based intrinsic and prosocial intrinsic. Besides providing more accurate person-job fit predictions, this new approach fills a significant research gap and facilitates future theory building.

Reconciling Perspectives on Blame Avoidance Behaviour

Blame avoidance behaviour (BAB) has become an increasingly popular topic in political science. However, the preconditions of BAB, its presence and consequences in various areas and in different political systems largely remain a black box. In order to generate a better understanding of BAB and its importance for the workings of democratic political systems, the scattered literature on BAB needs to be assessed and structured. This article offers a comprehensive review of the literature on blame avoidance. It departs from Weaver’s concept of blame avoidance and subsequently differentiates between work on BAB in comparative welfare state research and work on BAB in public policy and administration. It is argued that between these two strands of literature a bifurcation exists since both perspectives rarely draw on each other to create a more general understanding of BAB. Advantages from existing approaches must be combined to assess the phenomenon of blame avoidance in a more comprehensive way.