1000 resultados para Integració escolar -- Espanya


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The aim of this paper is to analyse how economic integration in Europe has affected industrial geographical concentration in Spain and explain what the driving forces behind industry location are. Firstly, we construct regional specialisation and geographical concentration indices for Spanish 50 provinces and 30 industrial sectors in 1979, 1986 and 1992. Secondly, we carry out an econometric analysis of the determinants of geographical concentration of industries. Our main conclusion is that there is no evidence of increasing specialisation in Spain between 1979 and 1992 and that the most important determinant of Spain¿s economic geography is scale economies. Furthermore, traditional trade theory has no effects in explaining the pattern of industrial concentration

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[cat] En aquest treball, es realitza una nova estimació del VAB industrial espanyol a un nivell de desagregació territorial corresponent a les províncies (NUTSIII) i les Comunitats Autònomes (NUTS II). Per assolir aquest objectiu es planteja una nova metodologia d’estimació de les xifres històriques de VAB industrial regional. Front a les aproximacions tradicionals, basades en la utilització de fonts fiscals com a forma d’aproximar la capacitat productiva industrial, en aquest treball s’ofereix una estimació que també es basa en les rendes generades per la producció industrial de les regions. Amb aquest objectiu, es fa servir la metodologia proposada per Geary i Stark (2002) i les millores proposades per Crafts (2005). La utilització d’aquesta metodologia permet elaborar una nova estimació retrospectiva del VAB industrial de les regions espanyoles a diversos talls temporals corresponents al període 1860-1930.

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This paper gives new evidence on the relationship between integration and industrial agglomeration in the presence of scale economies, by testing directly one of the predictions that can be derived from Krugman (1991), that is, the existence of regional nominal wage gradients and its transformation following changes in trade regimes. Our case study analyzes the effects of the substitution of an open economy by a closed economy regime, exactly the opposite process studied by Hanson (1996, 1997). In Spain, during the interwar period, protectionist policies would have favored the loss of centrality of the coastal location (Barcelona) and the relative rise of central locations (such as Madrid). Our results indicate the existence of a wage gradient centered in Barcelona during the interwar period (1914-1930) and its weakening after 1925.

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In this paper we use a gravity model to study the trade performance of French and Spanishborder regions relatively to non-border regions, over the past two decades. We find that,controlling for their size, proximity and location characteristics, border regions trade onaverage between 62% and 193% more with their neighbouring country than other regions,and twice as much if they are endowed with good cross border transport infrastructures.Despite European integration, however, this trade outperformance has fallen for the mostperipheral regions within the EU. We show that this trend was linked in part to a shift in the propensity of foreign investors to move their affiliates from the regions near their home market to the regions bordering the EU core.

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Capital intensive industries in specialized niches of production have constituted solid ground for family firms in Spain , as evidenced by the experience of the iron and steel wire industries between 1870 and 2000. The embeddedness of these firms in their local and regional environments have allowed the creation of networks that, together with favourable institutional conditions, significantly explain the dominance of family entrepreneurship in iron and steel wire manufacturing in Spain, until the end of the 20 th century. Dominance of family firms at the regional level has not been not an obstacle for innovation in wire manufacturing in Spain, which has taken place even when institutional conditions blocked innovation and traditional networking. Therefore, economic theories about the difficulties dynastic family firms may have to perform appropriately in science-based industries must be questioned

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A identidade étnico-cultural é fonte de sentido e de construção do real, mesmo se aparece como marginalizada. Os processos culturais são conflitivos e, em cada etnia, há uma história de luta pela determinação de suas metas e valores. Entende-se o étnico como um processo que se constrói nas práticas sociais em perspectiva relacional. A consciência de que a sociedade está cruzada por oposições e tensionamentos de classe, étnicas, de gênero e outras, com interesses freqüentemente contrapostos, indica a necessidade de se desenvolverem pesquisas que mostrem como a escola atuou e atua na realidade diante do desafio da diversidade de culturas. Enguita (1995) sinaliza que a escola não é apenas um lugar a mais em que se repetem os prejuízos e as tensões étnicas. Nesse sentido, ela é o lugar-chave porque é essencial na produção e reprodução da cultura. Por isso a atenção para a herança múltipla, polifônica das tradições culturais, redescobrindo-as, é um passo para se entender que significações produziram na articulação de processos educacionais. Neste estudo, constatou-se que a escola teve muita dificuldade em articular-se com a diferenciação cultural, geralmente legitimou uma perspectiva étnica em detrimento das demais. O estudo aponta ainda para a interculturalidade como horizonte fértil para o processo educacional.

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The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

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O estudo da presença da matriz positivista na história da educação brasileira vem sendo feito, muitas vezes, de forma mecânica e reducionista pela historiografia tradicional. A partir da perspectiva da história cultural, este artigo toma o livro didático como objeto cultural para mostrar que tipo de apropriação o cotidiano escolar realizou, por ocasião do advento da República, do pensamento positivista no ensino da matemática escolar. Tal análise concentra-se na resposta à questão: existiu, em algum momento da história da educação brasileira, uma matemática escolar positivista?

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O objetivo deste estudo foi o de analisar um projeto de prevenção de drogas e Aids desenvolvido nas escolas públicas estaduais de São Paulo. A análise foi desenvolvida considerando-se a diversidade e a complexidade do uso contemporâneo de drogas e o papel da escola, como uma agência de socialização, ambos historicamente determinados. As concepções analisadas são concepções sobre drogas; a relação entre drogas e Aids - como um dos eventos vinculados ao processo saúde-doença; e concepções e objetivos da prevenção. A análise é baseada em documentos e nos depoimentos dos supervisores do projeto, professores treinados pelo projeto e estudantes que participaram das atividades. O estudo encaminha conclusões que implicam o ordenamento das políticas públicas de prevenção relacionadas a droga e Aids.

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Aquesta tesi analitza la integració vertical entre fabricació, comercialització i finançament a la indústria catalana del període 1840-1936. L¿evidència obtinguda de les fonts arxivístiques confirma la visió tradicional quant a la descripció dels fets, però ofereix una interpretació alternativa, més optimista, de les causes i de les conseqüències. Els fabricants s¿implicaren en la comercialització perquè ells eren els coordinadors entre oferta i demanda (no com en el cas britànic, on ho eren els comerciants), i per tant havien de tenir un peu a cada banda. A més, els fabricants eren els més ben situats per a ser uns banquers eficients dels seus clients.

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Este artigo apresenta uma reflexão a respeito de algumas concepções teóricas de autoridade e hierarquia, e de como essas concepções se constituem em elementos da cultura escolar que é construída na interação cotidiana, definindo formas diferenciadas de participação nas escolas. Parte do pressuposto de que a escola, como organização burocrática, tem em sua estrutura um corpo de princípios e valores dados pelo sistema educacional, por meio de leis, decretos e papéis formalmente estabelecidos, e um outro corpo de princípios e valores construídos e reelaborados no seu interior, pelos participantes do processo educacional, formando a cultura escolar. Assim, o grau de participação nas escolas se definiria em razão das concepções que seriam compartilhadas e construídas nesse processo de constituição da cultura escolar.

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This paper describes the improvement that took place in the Spanish transport system between 1800 and 1936. The text points out that, despite the investment efforts that were carried out between 1840 and 1855, the process of transport cost reduction only experienced substantial progress after 1855. The largest transport cost decrease of the period under consideration took place during the three decades between 1855 and the great depression of the late nineteenth century, through the substitution of the railroad for the traditional transport means in the main routes of the country, as well as through the gradual reduction of the price of railway transport. The process went on more slowly later on, thanks to the construction of additional raillway lines (until 1895) and the enlargement of the secondary road network. The process of transport cost reduction accelerated again from the 1920s onwards, thanks to the diffusion of the automobile technology.

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This article describes the ways in which cotton goods were commercialised during the nineteenth century and the first third of the twentieth. Several national cases are analysed: Britain, as the Workshop of the World; France, Germany, Switzerland and the US, as core economies; and Italy and Spain as countries on the European periphery. The main question that we address is why some cotton industries vertically integrated their production and commercialisation processes, but others did not. We present a model that combines industrial district size and product differentiation to explain why vertical integration was present in most cases and why there was vertical specialisation in Lancashire and Lowell.

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Durant el segle XIX, l'economia espanyola va transitar per les primeres etapes de la industrialització. Aquest procés es va donar en paral·lel a la integració del mercat domèstic de béns i factors, en un moment en què les reformes liberals i la construcció de la xarxa ferroviària, entre d'altres, van generar una important caiguda en els costos detransport. Al mateix temps que es donava aquesta progressiva integració del mercat domèstic espanyol, es van produir canvis significatius en la pauta de localització industrial. D'una banda, hi hagué un augment considerable de la concentració espacial de la indústria des de mitjans de segle XIX i fins a la Guerra Civil, i d¿altra, un increment de l'especialització regional. Ara bé, quines van ser les forces que van generar aquests canvis? Des d¿un punt de vista teòric, el model de Heckscher-Ohlin suggereix que la distribució a l'espai de l¿activitat econòmica ve determinada per l'avantatge comparativa dels territoris en funció de la dotació relativa de factors. Al seu torn, els models de Nova Geografia Econòmica (NEG) mostren l'existència d'una relació en forma de campana entre el procés d'integració econòmica i el grau de concentració geogràfica de l'activitat industrial. Aquest article examina empíricament els determinants de la localització industrial a Espanya entre 1856 i 1929, mitjançant l'estimació d¿un model que combina els elements de tipus Heckscher-Ohlin i els factors apuntats des de la NEG, amb l'objectiu de contrastar la força relativa dels arguments vinculats a aquestes dues interpretacions a l'hora de modular la localització de la indústria a Espanya. L'anàlisi dels resultats obtinguts mostra que tant la dotació de factors com els mecanismes de tipus NEG van ser elements determinants que expliquen la distribució geogràfica de la indústria des del segle XIX, tot i que la seva força relativa va anar variant amb el temps.