885 resultados para Contraction and restructuring politics
Resumo:
El presente estudio de caso tiene como objetivo analizar la influencia de la gobernación de Tokio en la formulación de la política exterior de Japón durante la disputa territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu. Para ello, se identifican los puntos más relevantes de la política exterior de seguridad de Japón después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Se hace un énfasis en la política bilateral de seguridad sino-japonesa, con el fin de ubicar el conflicto territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu como un punto importante en la agenda internacional de seguridad de ambos países. Se estudia y analiza el concepto de paradiplomacia; articulado, a su vez, por los conceptos de identidad y rol en política exterior de la perspectiva teórica del Constructivismo de las Relaciones Internacionales, para así analizar la influencia de Tokio en el manejo de la política exterior de Japón en el marco del conflicto territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu.
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La presente investigación pretende determinar la influencia de la transferencia de voto en los resultados de los distintos niveles de elección, nacional y territorial, del Partido de La U en Córdoba y Sucre entre 2010 y 2015. Se analiza cómo la construcción de redes y alianzas electorales entre los caciques de región y los candidatos da paso a la formación de potentes clanes políticos, capaces de movilizar al electorado más allá del partidismo o de la política personalista. Así, a través del análisis comparado de los resultados electorales, el trabajo de archivo y la cartografía electoral, se estudian las estructuras de poder propias de dos departamentos en los que la política es el resultado de competencias o acuerdos entre familias políticas, que utilizan las elecciones como herramienta para establecer dinámicas de grupos que le dan sentido al sistema político local.
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ResumenEl distrito de Concepción de Tres Ríos ha sufrido a partir de 1953 una transformación profunda; de un pueblo cafetalero por excelencia ha pasado a ser un suburbio “dormitorio” de trabajadores urbanos, en su mayoría inmigrantes de otras zonas del país. Este artículo analiza las formas de la política comunal y la política de partidos en este distrito liberacionista.AbstractIn the period alter 1953, the district of Concepción de Tres Ríos has a undergone a deep transformations: from a typical coffee producing town to a suburb where urban works –mostly immigrants from others parts of the country- reside. This article discusses forms of communal politics and partisan politics in the Liberacionista district.
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The purpose of this essay is to raise the educational development that has been experienced in our country, outlining influential frames such as political, social, religious and economical ones. It aims to report statistical data as indicators of the development of our educational system, in areas of coverage, average education, repetition, desertion, among others. It is imperative to achieve changes and restructuring in our education system at all levels, from kindergarten to university, so it should take into account the contribution of all stakeholders in the education sector, as the human resource is valuable and all the innovative proposals should be heard, especially those that seek to build together and not ideas imposed that hinder the development of education in our country. Improvements must be necessary because there is an existing desire by many people of improving and achieving a true enrichment in our education.
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With an increasing demand for rural resources and land, new challenges are approaching affecting and restructuring the European countryside. While creating opportunities for rural living, it has also opened a discussion on rural gentrification risks. The concept of rural gentrification encircles the influx of new residents leading to an economic upgrade of an area making it unaffordable for local inhabitants to stay in. Rural gentrification occurs in areas perceived as attractive. Paradoxically, in-migrants re-shape their surrounding landscape. Rural gentrification may not only cause displacement of people but also landscape values. Thus, this research aims to understand the twofold role of landscape in rural gentrification theory: as a possible driver to attract residents and as a product shaped by its residents. To understand the potential gentrifiers’ decision process, this research has provided a collection of drivers behind in-migration. Moreover, essential indicators of rural gentrification have been collected from previous studies. Yet, the available indicators do not contain measures to understand related landscape changes. To fill this gap, after analysing established landscape assessment methodologies, evaluating the relevance for assessing gentrification, a new Landscape Assessment approach is proposed. This method introduces a novel approach to capture landscape change caused by gentrification through a historical depth. The measures to study gentrification was applied on Gotland, Sweden. The study showed a population stagnating while the number of properties increased, and housing prices raised. These factors are not indicating positive growth but risks of gentrification. Then, the research applied the proposed Landscape Assessment method for areas exposed to gentrification. Results suggest that landscape change takes place on a local scale and could over time endanger key characteristics. The methodology contributes to a discussion on grasping nuances within the rural context. It has also proven useful for indicating accumulative changes, which is necessary in managing landscape values.
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Esta tese se debruça nas (im)possibilidades de tradução terminológica para demonstrar uma incomunicabilidade entre o contexto brasileiro e italiano, em termos de trabalho sexual e políticas travestis. Proponho uma análise etnográfica dos usos dos termos, efetivada pela pessoa antropóloga também corporificada e marcada contextualmente. Apresento como nos dois contextos há uma aproximação entre as noções “puta” e “travesti” que se materializa em processos interseccionais de criminalização. Demonstro como no contexto brasileiro mais do que termos, envolvem disputas, agenciamentos e vivências corporificadas que refletem ativismos protagonizados por pessoas diretamente engajadas na transformação política dessas nomenclaturas – movimentações intransponíveis para o contexto italiano. Ao mesmo tempo, “brasiliana” ativa um imaginário italiano local que enquadra a prostituição e vivências trans majoritariamente como um problema migratório, para o qual se mobilizam ostensivos recursos e financiamentos que ganham forma no combate à “tratta” / tráfico de pessoas” – todo um aparato de difícil tradução para o contexto brasileiro. Dessa forma, partindo dos termos locais mobilizados nos dois contextos, penso nos elementos culturais naturalizados e em seu diálogo transcultural. Os processos de tradução são, desse modo, epistemológicos e necessariamente políticos, uma vez que estão situados em uma geopolítica marcadamente desigual. Afirmo, portanto, que as (im)possibilidades de tradução cultural se materializam em ativismos, políticas institucionais e normativas legais que ativam diversas formas de criminalizar possibilidades de existência, criação de redes de afeto e de potência política em trânsito.
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The governance of water resources is prominent in both water policy agendas and academic scholarship. Political ecologists have made important advances in reconceptualising the relationship between water and society. Yet, while they have stressed both the scalar dimensions, and the politicised nature, of water governance, analyses of its scalar politics are relatively nascent. In this paper, we consider how the increased demand for water resources by the growing mining industry in Peru reconfigures and rescales water governance. In Peru, the mining industry’s thirst for water draws in, and reshapes, social relations, technologies, institutions and discourses that operate over varying spatial and temporal scales. We develop the concept of waterscape to examine these multiple ways in water is co-produced through mining, and become embedded in changing modes and structures of water governance, often beyond the watershed scale. We argue that an examination of waterscapes avoids the limitations of thinking about water in purely material terms, structuring analysis of water issues according to traditional spatial scales and institutional hierarchies, and taking these scales and structures for granted.
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Technocracy often holds out the promise of rational, disinterested decision-making. Yet states look to technocracy not just for expert inputs and calculated outcomes but to embed the exercise of power in many agendas, policies and programs. Thus, technocracy operates as an appendage of politically constructed structures and configurations of power, and highly placed technocrats cannot be 'mere' backroom experts who supply disinterested rational-technical solutions in economic planning, resource allocation and social distribution, which are inherently political. This paper traces the trajectories of technocracy in conditions of rapid social transformation, severe economic restructuring, or political crises - when the technocratic was unavoidably political.
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This paper examines recent policies and politics of services, in particular child care services in European welfare states. It is argued that social (care) services are becoming an increasingly political issue in postindustrial societies and are at the very center of welfare-state restructuring. Some countries have recently developed new policy pro grams for child care-but there are important differences among these programs. To understand these differences as well as some common features, the paper argues that it is necessary to examine the institutional organization of child care and short-term political factors as well as the rationales articulated in political debates to support or im pede various policies. The paper concludes that a comprehensive system of child care provisions is still far off in most countries, despite a rhetoric of choice and postindustrial care and labor-market patterns.
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Since the early 1980s, Australian governments have embraced neoliberal policies as a means of improving the nation’s global economic competitiveness. The impacts of such policies in regional areas have been quite profound, leading to socio-economic polarisation, population loss, and the growth of anti-globalisation sentiments. In this paper, we examine the process of regional restructuring that arises from this trajectory in Australia, and examine current policy responses to change under the neoliberal regime. We argue that while many such responses are individualistic, and based upon policies of personal responsibility, self-advancement and entrepreneurship, others are imbued with the language of community, social capital and collective action. The existence of individualism and community within the same policy agenda may appear contradictory, yet it is suggested that neoliberalism brings together these two opposing discourses through a process of what Nikolas Rose calls ‘governing through community’. We explore how neoliberalism underpins community approaches to regional development in Australia, arguing that such strategies do little to counter the negative forces of globalisation in non-metropolitan parts of the country.
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The role of beta(3)- and other putative atypical beta-adrenaceptors in human white adipocytes and right atrial appendage has been investigated using CGP 12177 and novel phenylethanolamine and aryloxypropanolamine beta(3)-adrenoceptor (beta(3)AR) agonists with varying intrinsic activities and selectivities for human cloned PAR subtypes. The ability to demonstrate beta(1/2)AR antagonist-insensitive (beta(3) or other atypical beta AR-mediated) responses to CGP 12177 was critically dependent on the albumin batch used to prepare and incubate the adipocytes. Four aryloxypropanolamine selective beta(3)AR agonists (SB-226552, SB-229432, SB-236923, SB-246982) consistently elicited beta(1/2)AR antagonist-insensitive lipolysis. However, a phenylethanolamine (SB-220646) that was a selective full beta(3)AR agonist elicited full lipolytic and inotropic responses that were sensitive to beta(1/2)AR antagonism, despite it having very low efficacies at cloned beta(1)- and beta(2)ARs. A component of the response to another phenylethanolamine selective beta(3)AR agonist (SB-215691) was insensitive to beta(1/2)AR antagonism in some experiments. Because novel aryloxypropanolamine had a beta(1/2)AR antagonist-insensitive inotropic effect, these results establish more firmly that beta(3)ARs mediate lipolysis in human white adipocytes, and suggest that putative 'beta(4)ARs' mediate inotropic responses to CGP 12177. The results also illustrate the difficulty of predicting from studies on cloned beta ARs which beta ARs will mediate responses to agonists in tissues that have a high number of beta(1)- and beta(2)ARs or a low number of beta(3)ARs.