917 resultados para Constitutionalism 19th century
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In questa tesi dottorale viene preso in analisi il tema della famiglia, uno degli elementi fondanti della riflessione pedagogica, crocevia di una molteplicità di nuclei interpretativi con diramazioni e contaminazioni, con mutamenti attraverso le epoche storiche, rappresentati in pagine contenute nei Classici della letteratura per l’infanzia e nei migliori libri di narrativa contemporanea. Si tratta di un tema di grande ampiezza che ha comportato una scelta mirata di Autori che, nei loro romanzi hanno trattato questioni riguardanti la famiglia nelle sue pluralità delle sue tante accezioni, dalla vita familiare agli abbandoni, dalle infanzie senza famiglia alle famiglie altre. Nelle diverse epoche storiche, le loro narrazioni hanno lasciato un segno per l'originalità interpretativa che ancora oggi ci raccontano storie di vie familiale Dai romanzi ottocenteschi alle saghe fantasy degli ultimi cinquant’anni, fino ai picturebook, destinati ai più piccoli, le families stories possono costituire un materiale pedagogico privilegiato, sia offrendo occasioni di scoperta e conoscenza di sé e del mondo, attraverso le quali i lettori bambini, enigmatici frontalieri, varcano soglie verso altrovi misteriosi, sia fornendo spunti agli studiosi per approfondire tematiche multiple e complesse. Le families stories riflettono spesso in maniera critica le divergenze che possono manifestarsi tra le prassi individuate e studiate dalle scienze umane e sociali e le metafore narrative proposte dai numerosi Autori della letteratura per l’infanzia. Proponendo una prospettiva spesso spiazzante, esse interpretano la realtà a fondo, cogliendo i più piccoli ed inosservati particolari che, invece, hanno la capacità di rompere gli schemi socio-educativi dell’epoca storica in cui le storie prendono vita.
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El objetivo de la presente investigación, el catálogo y estudio de las gramáticas de italiano destinadas a hispanohablantes de los siglos XVIII y XIX, se encuadra en el macrosector gramaticográfico de la historiografía lingüística, en el cual el estudio de las gramáticas de las lenguas dirigidas a hablantes nativos y a hablantes extranjeros, con los consiguientes cruces y trasvases de tradiciones gramaticales, es de significativo interés como destacan: (i) las tesis doctorales defendidas en los últimos quince años; (ii) los proyectos de investigación dirigidos y coordinados por prestigiosos estudiosos del sector; (iii) los congresos organizados para destacar y compartir las principales actualizaciones en torno a los estudios gramaticográficos; y (iv) las publicaciones que surgen de los tres puntos anteriores. El estudio presenta dos partes centrales: la primera (constituida por los capítulos 2 y 3) es la de catálogo y estudio de las diecinueve gramáticas que conforman el corpus en base a ocho áreas descriptivas (1. información catalográfica, 2. autor, 3. editor, 4. hiperestructura, 5. elementos peritextuales, gramaticales y didácticos, 6. variedad de textos y su secuencia didáctica, 7. caracterización, fuentes e influencias, y 8. localización); la segunda (capítulo 4) es la de estudio gramaticográfico de conjunto de los datos más relevantes de las areas de estudio utilizadas en las dos primeras partes. De este modo, daremos un panorama de conjunto sobre (i) la cronología de las obras y sus ediciones y rempresiones; (ii) la nacionalidad, profesión, condición religiosa, etc. de autores; (iii) la geografía de ediciones y editores; (iv) la descripción hiperestructural de las obras; (v) la estructura de los elementos peritextuales; (vi) las partes gramaticales y elementos que las componen; (vii) el verbo: definiciones y paradigma verbal; (vii) los elementos didácticos; (viii) las líneas de descripción gramatical; (ix) la localización de las gramáticas en las bibliotecas españolas.
Das Aussehen Christi in der deutschen Bildkunst des 19. Jahrhunderts : Wandlungen des Christusbildes
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Bei der vorliegenden Arbeit handelt es sich um ein Überblickswerk zum Christusbild, dem Aussehen Christi in der deutschen Bildkunst des 19. Jahrhunderts und dessen Wandlungen. Grundlage der Arbeit bildet eine von der Autorin zusammengetragene Materialsammlung und deren Auswertung, basierend auf der Kenntnis von Originalen sowie der Sichtung von Literatur (insbesondere von Lexika, Museums- und Ausstellungskatalogen, Werkverzeichnissen sowie maßgeblichen deutschen Kunstzeitschriften des 19. Jahrhunderts). Das hieraus resultierende systematische Bildverzeichnis umfasst 1.914 Werke in Form von Staffeleibildern, Druckgraphik, wandgebundenen Gemälden (und auch Skulpturen); davon sind 729 mit Abbildungen in der Arbeit dokumentiert. In alphabetischer Reihenfolge abgefasst, enthält das Verzeichnis zu jedem Eintrag Kurzinformationen zu Werk und Künstler, sowie Literatur- und ggf. Abbildungsnachweise. Auf dieser Basis geht die Untersuchung über den bisher relativ kleinen Kreis einschlägig bekannter Christusbilder weit hinaus und gibt erstmals einen umfassenden und für das 19. Jahrhundert repräsentativen Überblick.rnDer auf dieses Material gestützte Hauptteil befasst sich mit der eingehenden Betrachtung der „Grundtypen“ des Christusbildes, womit das Aussehen Christi (Physiognomie, Gesamtgestalt, Gewandung, Habitus und Gestik) gemeint ist. Schwerpunkte der Arbeit bilden zunächst das an der Renaissance (insbesondere an Raffael) orientierte „milde“ Christusbild des Klassizismus und die „inniglich-schöne“ Idealgestalt der Romantik (variiert auch mit altdeutschen Elementen), aus der schließlich das bis in die Gegenwart verwendete, kitschig-süßliche Devotionalienbild resultierte. Eine historisierende, ethnologische Rekonstruktion eines „jüdischen“ Jesus, erschien besonders in der „Orientmalerei“ seit den vierziger Jahren des 19. Jahrhunderts. Die Ablehnung und Abgrenzung der Orientmalerei führte zu einer „historischen Reformationsmalerei“ mit altdeutschen Elementen und auch teilweise zu einer Tendenz der „Germanisierung“ des Bildes Jesu mit genrehaften Zügen. Zum Jahrhundertende hin wurden außerdem vielfältige Versuche beobachtet, den Gottmenschen Jesus in „zeitgenössischem“ Aussehen volksnah in die Gegenwart der Gläubigen einzubinden. Im Symbolismus traten hingegen heroisierende Tendenzen auf bis hin zu einer „Entwirklichung“ der Gestalt Christi. Zusammenfassende Beobachtungen zu den häufig verwendeten und „beliebten“ Themen der Christusdarstellung im 19. Jahrhundert runden die Arbeit ab, in der eine bislang ungekannte Differenzierung und Vielfalt der Darstellungsmöglichkeiten Christi in der religiösen Kunst des 19. Jahrhunderts aufgezeigt werden konnte.
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Durch die massenmediale Zunahme von statischen und bewegten Bilder im Laufe des letzten Jahrhunderts vollzieht sich unsere lebensweltliche Wirklichkeitskonstruktion zu Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts zunehmend über Visualisierungen, die mit den neuen Formen der Digitalisierung noch an Dynamik zunehmen werden. Mit diesen omnipräsenten visuell-medialen Repräsentationen werden meist räumliche Vorstellungen transportiert, denn Räume werden vor allem über Bilder konstruiert. Diese Bildräume zirkulieren dabei nicht als singuläre Bedeutungszuschreibungen, sondern sind in sprachliche und bildliche Diskurse eingebettet. Visuell-mediale Bild-Raum-Diskurse besitzen zunehmend die Fähigkeit, unser Wissen über und unsere Wahrnehmung von Räumen zu kanalisieren und auf stereotype Raumstrukturen zu reduzieren. Dabei verfestigt sich eine normative Ordnung von bestimmten machtvollen Bildräumen, die nicht genügend kritisch hinterfragt werden. Deshalb ist es für die Geographie von entscheidender Wichtigkeit, mediale Raumkonstruktio- nen, ihre Einbettung in diskursive Bildarchive und ihre essentialistische und handlungspraktische gesellschaftliche Wirkung zu verstehen.rnLandschaften können vor diesem Hintergrund als visuell-medial transportierte Bild-Raum-Diskurse konzeptionalisiert werden, deren gesellschaftliche Wirkmächtigkeit mit Hilfe einer visuell ausgerichteten Diskursanalyse hinterfragt werden sollte. Auf Grundlage einer zeichentheoretischen Ikonologie wurde eine Methodik entwickelt, die visuell ausgerichtete Schrift-Bild-Räume angemessen analysieren kann. Am Beispiel der Inszenierung des Mittelrheintals, wurde, neben einer diachronischen Strukturanalyse der diskursrelevanten Medien (Belletristik, Malerei, Postkarten, Druckgrafiken und Fotografien), eine Feinanalyse der fotografischen „Rheinlandschaften“ von August Sander der 1930er Jahre durchgeführt. Als Ergebnis zeigte sich, dass der Landschaftsdiskurs über das Mittelrheintal immer noch durch die gegenseitige Durchdringung der romantischen Literatur und Malerei in der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts und die historischen Fotografien in den ersten Jahrzehnten des 20. Jahrhunderts bestimmt ist, nicht zuletzt forciert durch die Ernennung zum UNESCO-Welterbe 2002. Der stark visuell ausgerichtete Landschaftsdiskurs trägt somit zum einen positiv konnotierte, romantisch-pittoreske Züge, die die Einheit von Mensch und Natur symbolisieren, zum anderen historisch-konservatorische Züge, die eine Mythifizierung zu einer gewachsenen, authentischen Kulturlandschaft evozieren.
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Background In the 19th century, eminent French sociologist Emile Durkheim found suicide rates to be higher in the Protestant compared with the Catholic cantons of Switzerland. We examined religious affiliation and suicide in modern Switzerland, where assisted suicide is legal. Methods The 2000 census records of 1 722 456 (46.0%) Catholics, 1 565 452 (41.8%) Protestants and 454 397 (12.2%) individuals with no affiliation were linked to mortality records up to December 2005. The association between religious affiliation and suicide, with the Protestant faith serving as the reference category, was examined in Cox regression models. Hazard ratios (HRs) with 95% confidence intervals (CIs) were adjusted for age, marital status, education, type of household, language and degree of urbanization. Results Suicide rates per 100 000 inhabitants were 19.7 in Catholics (1664 suicides), 28.5 in Protestants (2158 suicides) and 39.0 in those with no affiliation (882 suicides). Associations with religion were modified by age and gender (P < 0.0001). Compared with Protestant men aged 35–64 years, HRs (95% CI) for all suicides were 0.80 (0.73–0.88) in Catholic men and 1.09 (0.98–1.22) in men with no affiliation; and 0.60 (0.53–0.67) and 1.96 (1.69–2.27), respectively, in men aged 65–94 years. Corresponding HRs in women aged 35–64 years were 0.90 (0.80–1.03) and 1.46 (1.25–1.72); and 0.67 (0.59–0.77) and 2.63 (2.22–3.12) in women aged 65–94 years. The association was strongest for suicides by poisoning in the 65–94-year-old age group, the majority of which was assisted: HRs were 0.45 (0.35–0.59) for Catholic men and 3.01 (2.37–3.82) for men with no affiliation; 0.44 (0.36–0.55) for Catholic women and 3.14 (2.51–3.94) for women with no affiliation. Conclusions In Switzerland, the protective effect of a religious affiliation appears to be stronger in Catholics than in Protestants, stronger in older than in younger people, stronger in women than in men, and particularly strong for assisted suicides.
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The three-spined stickleback is a widespread Holarctic species complex that radiated from the sea into freshwaters after the retreat of the Pleistocene ice sheets. In Switzerland, sticklebacks were absent with the exception of the far northwest, but different introduced populations have expanded to occupy a wide range of habitats since the late 19th century. A well-studied adaptive phenotypic trait in sticklebacks is the number of lateral plates. With few exceptions, freshwater and marine populations in Europe are fixed for either the low plated phenotype or the fully plated phenotype, respectively. Switzerland, in contrast, harbours in close proximity the full range of phenotypic variation known from across the continent. We addressed the phylogeographic origins of Swiss sticklebacks using mitochondrial partial cytochrome b and control region sequences. We found only five different haplotypes but these originated from three distinct European regions, fixed for different plate phenotypes. These lineages occur largely in isolation at opposite ends of Switzerland, but co-occur in a large central part. Across the country, we found a strong correlation between a microsatellite linked to the high plate ectodysplasin allele and the mitochondrial haplotype from a region where the fully plated phenotype is fixed. Phylogenomic and population genomic analysis of 481 polymorphic amplified fragment length polymorphism loci indicate genetic admixture in the central part of the country. The same part of the country also carries elevated within-population phenotypic variation. We conclude that during the recent invasive range expansion of sticklebacks in Switzerland, adaptive and neutral between-population genetic variation was converted into within-population variation, raising the possibility that hybridization between colonizing lineages contributed to the ecological success of sticklebacks in Switzerland.
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This article contributes to the research on demographics and public health of urban populations of preindustrial Europe. The key source is a burial register that contains information on the deceased, such as age and sex, residence and cause of death. This register is one of the earliest compilations of data sets of individuals with this high degree of completeness and consistency. Critical assessment of the register's origin, formation and upkeep promises high validity and reliability. Between 1805 and 1815, 4,390 deceased inhabitants were registered. Information concerning these individuals provides the basis for this study. Life tables of Bern's population were created using different models. The causes of death were classified and their frequency calculated. Furthermore, the susceptibility of age groups to certain causes of death was established. Special attention was given to causes of death and mortality of newborns, infants and birth-giving women. In comparison to other cities and regions in Central Europe, Bern's mortality structure shows low rates for infants (q0=0.144) and children (q1-4=0.068). This could have simply indicated better living conditions. Life expectancy at birth was 43 years. Mortality was high in winter and spring, and decreased in summer to a low level with a short rise in August. The study of the causes of death was inhibited by difficulties in translating early 19th century nomenclature into the modern medical system. Nonetheless, death from metabolic disorders, illnesses of the respiratory system, and debilitation were the most prominent causes in Bern. Apparently, the worst killer of infants up to 12 months was the "gichteren", an obsolete German term for lethal spasmodic convulsions. The exact modern identification of this disease remains unclear. Possibilities such as infant tetanus or infant epilepsy are discussed. The maternal death rate of 0.72% is comparable with values calculated from contemporaneous sources. Relevance of childbed fever in the early 1800s was low. Bern's data indicate that the extent of deaths related to childbirth in this period is overrated. This research has an explicit interdisciplinary value for various fields including both the humanities and natural sciences, since information reported here represents the complete age and sex structure of a deceased population. Physical anthropologists can use these data as a true reference group for their palaeodemographic studies of preindustrial Central Europe of the late 18th and early 19th century. It is a call to both historians and anthropologists to use our resources to a better effect through combination of methods and exchange of knowledge.
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Reform is a word that, one might easily say, characterizes more than any other the history and development of Buddhism. Yet, it must also be said that reform movements in East Asian Buddhism have often taken on another goal—harmony or unification; that is, a desire not only to reconstruct a more worthy form of Buddhism, but to simultaneously bring together all existing forms under a single banner, in theory if not in practice. This paper explores some of the tensions between the desire for reform and the quest for harmony in modern Japanese Buddhism thought, by comparing two developments: the late 19th century movement towards ‘New Buddhism’ (shin Bukkyō) as exemplified by Murakami Senshō 村上専精 (1851–1929), and the late 20th century movement known as ‘Critical Buddhism’ (hihan Bukkyō), as found in the works of Matsumoto Shirō 松本史朗 and Hakamaya Noriaki 袴谷憲昭. In all that has been written about Critical Buddhism, in both Japanese and English, very little attention has been paid to the place of the movement within the larger traditions of Japanese Buddhist reform. Here I reconsider Critical Buddhism in relation to the concerns of the previous, much larger trends towards Buddhist reform that emerged almost exactly 100 years previous—the so-called shin Bukkyō or New Buddhism of the late-Meiji era. Shin Bukkyō is a catch-all term that includes the various writings and activities of Inoue Enryō, Shaku Sōen, and Kiyozawa Manshi, as well as the so-called Daijō-hibussetsuron, a broad term used (often critically) to describe Buddhist writers who suggested that Mahāyāna Buddhism is not, in fact, the Buddhism taught by the ‘historical’ Buddha Śākyamuni. Of these, I will make a few general remarks about Daijō-hibusseturon, before turning attention more specifically to the work of Murakami Senshō, in order to flesh out some of the similarities and differences between his attempt to construct a ‘unified Buddhism’ and the work of his late-20th century avatars, the Critical Buddhists. Though a number of their aims and ideas overlap, I argue that there remain fundamental differences with respect to the ultimate purposes of Buddhist reform. This issue hinges on the implications of key terms such as ‘unity’ and ‘harmony’ as well as the way doctrinal history is categorized and understood, but it also relates to issues of ideology and the use and abuse of Buddhist doctrines in 20th-century politics.
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Through studying German, Polish and Czech publications on Silesia, Mr. Kamusella found that most of them, instead of trying to objectively analyse the past, are devoted to proving some essential "Germanness", "Polishness" or "Czechness" of this region. He believes that the terminology and thought-patterns of nationalist ideology are so deeply entrenched in the minds of researchers that they do not consider themselves nationalist. However, he notes that, due to the spread of the results of the latest studies on ethnicity/nationalism (by Gellner, Hobsbawm, Smith, Erikson Buillig, amongst others), German publications on Silesia have become quite objective since the 1980s, and the same process (impeded by under funding) has been taking place in Poland and the Czech Republic since 1989. His own research totals some 500 pages, in English, presented on disc. So what are the traps into which historians have been inclined to fall? There is a tendency for them to treat Silesia as an entity which has existed forever, though Mr. Kamusella points out that it emerged as a region only at the beginning of the 11th century. These same historians speak of Poles, Czechs and Germans in Silesia, though Mr. Kamusella found that before the mid-19th century, identification was with an inhabitant's local area, religion or dynasty. In fact, a German national identity started to be forged in Prussian Silesia only during the Liberation War against Napoleon (1813-1815). It was concretised in 1861 in the form of the first Prussian census, when the language a citizen spoke was equated with his/her nationality. A similar census was carried out in Austrian Silesia only in 1881. The censuses forced the Silesians to choose their nationality despite their multiethnic multicultural identities. It was the active promotion of a German identity in Prussian Silesia, and Vienna's uneasy acceptance of the national identities in Austrian Silesia which stimulated the development of Polish national, Moravian ethnic and Upper Silesian ethnic regional identities in Upper Silesia, and Polish national, Czech national, Moravian ethnic and Silesian ethnic identities in Austrian Silesia. While traditional historians speak of the "nationalist struggle" as though it were a permanent characteristic of Silesia, Mr. Kamusella points out that such a struggle only developed in earnest after 1918. What is more, he shows how it has been conveniently forgotten that, besides the national players, there were also significant ethnic movements of Moravians, Upper Silesians, Silesians and the tutejsi (i.e. those who still chose to identify with their locality). At this point Mr. Kamusella moves into the area of linguistics. While traditionally historians have spoken of the conflicts between the three national languages (German, Polish and Czech), Mr Kamusella reminds us that the standardised forms of these languages, which we choose to dub "national", were developed only in the mid-18th century, after 1869 (when Polish became the official language in Galicia), and after the 1870s (when Czech became the official language in Bohemia). As for standard German, it was only widely promoted in Silesia from the mid 19th century onwards. In fact, the majority of the population of Prussian Upper Silesia and Austrian Silesia were bi- or even multilingual. What is more, the "Polish" and "Czech" Silesians spoke were not the standard languages we know today, but a continuum of West-Slavic dialects in the countryside and a continuum of West-Slavic/German creoles in the urbanised areas. Such was the linguistic confusion that, from time to time, some ethnic/regional and Church activists strove to create a distinctive Upper Silesian/Silesian language on the basis of these dialects/creoles, but their efforts were thwarted by the staunch promotion of standard German, and after 1918, of standard Polish and Czech. Still on the subject of language, Mr. Kamusella draws attention to a problem around the issue of place names and personal names. Polish historians use current Polish versions of the Silesian place names, Czechs use current Polish/Czech versions of the place names, and Germans use the German versions which were in use in Silesia up to 1945. Mr. Kamusella attempted to avoid this, as he sees it, nationalist tendency, by using an appropriate version of a place name for a given period and providing its modern counterpart in parentheses. In the case of modern place names he gives the German version in parentheses. As for the name of historical figures, he strove to use the name entered on the birth certificate of the person involved, and by doing so avoid such confusion as, for instance, surrounds the Austrian Silesian pastor L.J. Sherschnik, who in German became Scherschnick, in Polish, Szersznik, and in Czech, Sersnik. Indeed, the prospective Silesian scholar should, Mr. Kamusella suggests, as well as the three languages directly involved in the area itself, know English and French, since many documents and books on the subject have been published in these languages, and even Latin, when dealing in depth with the period before the mid-19th century. Mr. Kamusella divides the policies of ethnic cleansing into two categories. The first he classifies as soft, meaning that policy is confined to the educational system, army, civil service and the church, and the aim is that everyone learn the language of the dominant group. The second is the group of hard policies, which amount to what is popularly labelled as ethnic cleansing. This category of policy aims at the total assimilation and/or physical liquidation of the non-dominant groups non-congruent with the ideal of homogeneity of a given nation-state. Mr. Kamusella found that soft policies were consciously and systematically employed by Prussia/Germany in Prussian Silesia from the 1860s to 1918, whereas in Austrian Silesia, Vienna quite inconsistently dabbled in them from the 1880s to 1917. In the inter-war period, the emergence of the nation-states of Poland and Czechoslovakia led to full employment of the soft policies and partial employment of the hard ones (curbed by the League of Nations minorities protection system) in Czechoslovakian Silesia, German Upper Silesia and the Polish parts of Upper and Austrian Silesia. In 1939-1945, Berlin started consistently using all the "hard" methods to homogenise Polish and Czechoslovakian Silesia which fell, in their entirety, within the Reich's borders. After World War II Czechoslovakia regained its prewar part of Silesia while Poland was given its prewar section plus almost the whole of the prewar German province. Subsequently, with the active involvement and support of the Soviet Union, Warsaw and Prague expelled the majority of Germans from Silesia in 1945-1948 (there were also instances of the Poles expelling Upper Silesian Czechs/Moravians, and of the Czechs expelling Czech Silesian Poles/pro-Polish Silesians). During the period of communist rule, the same two countries carried out a thorough Polonisation and Czechisation of Silesia, submerging this region into a new, non-historically based administrative division. Democratisation in the wake of the fall of communism, and a gradual retreat from the nationalist ideal of the homogeneous nation-state with a view to possible membership of the European Union, caused the abolition of the "hard" policies and phasing out of the "soft" ones. Consequently, limited revivals of various ethnic/national minorities have been observed in Czech and Polish Silesia, whereas Silesian regionalism has become popular in the westernmost part of Silesia which remained part of Germany. Mr. Kamusella believes it is possible that, with the overcoming of the nation-state discourse in European politics, when the expression of multiethnicity and multilingualism has become the cause of the day in Silesia, regionalism will hold sway in this region, uniting its ethnically/nationally variegated population in accordance with the principle of subsidiarity championed by the European Union.
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The project aimed to analyse representations of motherhood in Polish cinema as a special case of a more general system within the representation of women. It concentrated on the image of the Polish Mother created during the 19th century in Polish culture under the influence of specific political, social and religious factors. Ms. Ostrowska's initial hypothesis was that this symbolic image became one of the most stable elements in Polish cinema and as her research revealed, it was valuable for the preservation of national identity but nevertheless a fiercely constraining model for Polish femininity. In order to fully understand the nature of this persistent image it was initially necessary to related it to broader contexts and issues in representation. These included the image of the Polish Mother within general mythological structures (using the notion of myth in the Barthesian sense). Following her initial research Ms. Ostrowska felt that it was most appropriate to view the myth of the Polish Mother as a dominant ideological structure in the discourse of motherhood within Polish culture. An analysis of the myth of the Polish Mother can provide an insight into how Polish society sees itself at different periods in time and how a national identity was constructed in relation to particular ideological demands stemming from concrete historical and political situations. The analysis of the film version of this myth also revealed some aspects of the national character of Polish cinema. There the image of woman has become enshrined as the "eternal feminine", with virtues which are inevitably derived directly from Catholicism, particularly in relation to the networks of meanings around the central figure of Mary, Mother of God. In 19th century Poland these were linked with patriotic values and images of woman became part of the defence of the very idea of Poland and Polishness. After World War Two, this religious-political image system was adapted to the demands of the new communist ideology. The possibility of manipulating the ideological dimensions of the myth of the Polish Mother is due to the very nature of the image, which as a symbol of civil religion had been able to function independently of any particular state or church institution. Although in communist ideology the stress was on the patriotic aspect of the myth, its pronounced religious aspect was also transmitted, consciously or not, in the denotation process, this being of great significance in the viewer's response to the female character. This appropriation of elements derived from the national patriotic tradition into the discourse of communist ideology was a very efficient strategy to establish the illusion of continuity in national existence, which was supposed to convince society of the rightness of the new political situation. The analysis of films made in the post-war period showed the persistence of this discourse on motherhood in a range of cinematic texts regardless of the changing political situation. Ms. Ostrowska claims that the stability of this discursive formation is to a certain extent the result of the mythological aspect of the mother figure. This mythological structure also belongs to the ideology of Romanticism which in general continues to prevail in Polish cultural discourse as a meta-language of national community. The analysis of the films confirmed the hypothesis of the Polish Mother as a myth-sign whose signifier is stable whereas the signified depends on the specific historical conditions in which it is set. Therefore in the famous propaganda documentary Kobiety naszych dni (Women of Our Days, 1951) by Jan Zelnik, and in other films made after the October 1956 "thaw" it functions as an "empty sign. She concludes that it would be difficult to deny that the myth of the Polish Mother has offered Polish women a special role in national life, granting them a high moral position in the social, hierarchy. However the processes of idealisation involved have resulted in a deprivation of her subjectivity and the right to decide about her own life. This idealisation also served to strengthen traditional patriarchal structures through this set of female obligations to the mother land. In Polish ideology it is not a man who demands sacrifice from a woman but the motherland, which, deprived of the institutions of male power for nearly 150 years, had functioned as a feminine structure. That is why oppressive aspects of the myth have been obscured for so long. While Polish women were doubtless able to accept the constrictions because of their sense of national duty and any misgivings were overridden by the argument of the cause, it is important to recognise that the strength of these constructions, compounded by the ways in which they spoke of and continue to speak of a certain perfection, make them persist into contemporary Poland. Poland is however no longer embattled and the signs that made these meanings are potentially empty. This space for meaning will be and is already being contested and increasingly colonised by current western models of femininity. Ms. Ostrowska's final question is whether this will help to prevent a possible resentful victimisation of the silent and noble Polish Mother.
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Theoretical studies of the problems of the securities markets in the Russian Federation incline to one or other of the two traditional approaches. The first consists of comparing the definition of "valuable paper" set forth in the current legislation of the Russian Federation, with the theoretical model of "Wertpapiere" elaborated by German scholars more than 90 years ago. The problem with this approach is, in Mr. Pentsov's opinion, that any new features of the definition of "security" that do not coincide with the theoretical model of "Wertpapiere" (such as valuable papers existing in non-material, electronic form) are claimed to be incorrect and removed from the current legislation of the Russian Federation. The second approach works on the basis of the differentiation between the Common Law concept of "security" and the Civil Law concept of "valuable paper". Mr. Pentsov's research, presented in an article written in English, uses both methodological tools and involves, firstly, a historical study of the origin and development of certain legal phenomena (securities) as they evolved in different countries, and secondly, a comparative, synchronic study of equivalent legal phenomena as they exist in different countries today. Employing the first method, Mr. Pentsov divided the historical development of the conception of "valuable paper" in Russia into five major stages. He found that, despite the existence of a relatively wide circulation of valuable papers, especially in the second half of the 19th century, Russian legislation before 1917 (the first stage) did not have a unified definition of valuable paper. The term was used, in both theoretical studies and legislation, but it covered a broad range of financial instruments such as stocks, bonds, government bonds, promissory notes, bills of exchange, etc. During the second stage, also, the legislation of the USSR did not have a unified definition of "valuable paper". After the end of the "new economic policy" (1922 - 1930) the stock exchanges and the securities markets in the USSR, with a very few exceptions, were abolished. And thus during the third stage (up to 1985), the use of valuable papers in practice was reduced to foreign economic relations (bills of exchange, stocks in enterprises outside the USSR) and to state bonds. Not surprisingly, there was still no unified definition of "valuable paper". After the beginning of Gorbachev's perestroika, a securities market began to re-appear in the USSR. However, the successful development of securities markets in the USSR was retarded by the absence of an appropriate regulatory framework. The first effort to improve the situation was the adoption of the Regulations on Valuable Papers, approved by resolution No. 590 of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, dated June 19, 1990. Section 1 of the Regulation contained the first statutory definition of "valuable paper" in the history of Russia. At the very beginning of the period of transition to a market economy, a number of acts contained different definitions of "valuable paper". This diversity clearly undermined the stability of the Russian securities market and did not achieve the goal of protecting the investor. The lack of unified criteria for the consideration of such non-standard financial instruments as "valuable papers" significantly contributed to the appearance of numerous fraudulent "pyramid" schemes that were outside of the regulatory scheme of Russia legislation. The situation was substantially improved by the adoption of the new Civil Code of the Russian Federation. According to Section 1 of Article 142 of the Civil Code, a valuable paper is a document that confirms, in compliance with an established form and mandatory requisites, certain material rights whose realisation or transfer are possible only in the process of its presentation. Finally, the recent Federal law No. 39 - FZ "On the Valuable Papers Market", dated April 22 1996, has also introduced the term "emission valuable papers". According to Article 2 of this Law, an "emission valuable paper" is any valuable paper, including non-documentary, that simultaneously has the following features: it fixes the composition of material and non-material rights that are subject to confirmation, cession and unconditional realisation in compliance with the form and procedure established by this federal law; it is placed by issues; and it has equal amount and time of realisation of rights within the same issue regardless of when the valuable paper was purchased. Thus the introduction of the conception of "emission valuable paper" became the starting point in the Russian federation's legislation for the differentiation between the legal regimes of "commercial papers" and "investment papers" similar to the Common Law approach. Moving now to the synchronic, comparative method of research, Mr. Pentsov notes that there are currently three major conceptions of "security" and, correspondingly, three approaches to its legal definition: the Common Law concept, the continental law concept, and the concept employed by Japanese Law. Mr. Pentsov proceeds to analyse the differences and similarities of all three, concluding that though the concept of "security" in the Common Law system substantially differs from that of "valuable paper" in the Continental Law system, nevertheless the two concepts are developing in similar directions. He predicts that in the foreseeable future the existing differences between these two concepts will become less and less significant. On the basis of his research, Mr. Pentsov arrived at the conclusion that the concept of "security" (and its equivalents) is not a static one. On the contrary, it is in the process of permanent evolution that reflects the introduction of new financial instruments onto the capital markets. He believes that the scope of the statutory definition of "security" plays an extremely important role in the protection of investors. While passing the Securities Act of 1933, the United States Congress determined that the best way to achieve the goal of protecting investors was to define the term "security" in sufficiently broad and general terms so as to include within the definition the many types of instruments that in the commercial world fall within the ordinary concept of "security' and to cover the countless and various devices used by those who seek to use the money of others on the promise of profits. On the other hand, the very limited scope of the current definition of "emission valuable paper" in the Federal Law of the Russian Federation entitled "On the Valuable Papers Market" does not allow the anti-fraud provisions of this law to be implemented in an efficient way. Consequently, there is no basis for the protection of investors. Mr. Pentsov proposes amendments which he believes would enable the Russian markets to become more efficient and attractive for both foreign and domestic investors.
Resumo:
From the beginning of the standardisation of language in Bosnia and Herzegovina, i.e. from the acceptance of Karadzic's phonetic spelling in the mid-19th century, to the present day when there are three different language standards in force - Bosniac (Muslim), Croatian and Serbian, language in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been a subject of political conflict. Documents on language policy from this period show the degree to which domestic and foreign political factors influenced the standard language issue, beginning with the very appellation for the specific norm regulation. The material analysed (proclamations by political, cultural and other organisations as well as corresponding constitutional and statutory provisions on language use) shows the differing treatment of the standard language in Bosnia and Herzegovina in different historical periods. During the period of Turkish rule (until 1878) there was no real political interest in the issue. Under Austro-Hungarian rule (1878-1918) there was an attempt to use the language as a means of forming a united Bosnian nation, but this was later abandoned. During the first Yugoslavia (1918-1941) a uniform solution was imposed on Bosnia and Herzegovina, as throughout the Serbo-Croatian language area, while under the Independent State of Croatia (1941-1945), the official language of Bosnia and Herzegovina was Croatian. The period from 1945 to 1991 had two phases: the first a standard language unity of Serbs, Croats, Muslims and Montenegrins (until 1965), and the second a gradual but stormy separation of national languages, which has been largely completed since 1991. The introductory study includes a detailed analysis of all the expressions used, with special reference to the present state, and accompanies the collection of documents which represent the main outcome of the research.
Resumo:
The Hungarian way of decoration has certain characteristics which are rooted in the deep symbolism of ancient Hungarian mythical thinking. The ancient heritage of the Hungarians' former homeland somewhere in the Urals included eastern elements. During their migrations, the Hungarian tribes met other eastern peoples and their culture of decoration became mixed with elements drawn from these new contacts. These diverse influences mean that the Hungarian way of thinking, building and ornamentation show a certain dualism of Puritanism and rationalism in the creation of space and manufacturing, and rich fantasy in decoration and ornamentation. The Hungarians use coloured ornamentation to emphasise the symbolic importance of details. The colouring system of the built environment shows the same dualism: the main colour of the facades and inner walls is white, while the furniture, textiles, gates and windows, and sometimes the gable and fireplace are richly decorated. In Hungarian symbolism, the house and settlement are a model of the universe, so their different parts also have a transcendent meaning. The traditional meanings of the different colours reflect this transcendence. Each colour has ambivalent meanings: RED - the colour of blood - means violence and love. YELLOW - means sickness, death and ripeness (golden yellow). BLUE - means innocence, eternity (light blue) and old age, death (dark blue). BLACK - can be both ceremonial and mourning. WHILE - can have sacred meaning (bright white), while yellowish white fabric is the most common garb of both men and women in village society. GREEN - the only colour without a dual meaning, symbolises the beginning of life. Until the late 18th and early 19th centuries Hungarian folk art used one or two-coloured decoration (red, black, blue, red-blue or red-black), and from the early 19th century it moved to multi-coloured decoration. Colours are characteristically used in complementary contrast, with bright colours on a plain ground and an avoidance of subtle shadings.
Resumo:
A novel proxy for continental mean annual air temperature (MAAT) and soil pH, the MBT/CBT-paleothermometer, is based on the temperature (T) and pH-dependent distribution of specific bacterial membrane lipids (branched glycerol dialkyl glycerol tetraethers – GDGTs) in soil organic matter. Here, we tested the applicability of the MBT/CBT-paleothermometer to sediments from Lake Cadagno, a high Alpine lake in southern Switzerland with a small catchment of 2.4 km2. We analysed the distribution of bacterial GDGTs in catchment soils and in a radiocarbon-dated sediment core from the centre of the lake, covering the past 11 000 yr. The distribution of bacterial GDGTs in the catchment soils is very similar to that in the lake's surface sediments, indicating a common origin of the lipids. Consequently, their transfer from the soils into the sediment record seems undisturbed, probably without any significant alteration of their distribution through in situ production in the lake itself or early diagenesis of branched GDGTs. The MBT/CBT-inferred MAAT estimates from soils and surface sediments are in good agreement with instrumental values for the Lake Cadagno region (~0.5 °C). Moreover, downcore MBT/CBT-derived MAAT estimates match in timing and magnitude other proxy-based T reconstructions from nearby locations for the last two millennia. Major climate anomalies recorded by the MBT/CBT-paleothermometer are, for instance, the Little Ice Age (~14th to 19th century) and the Medieval Warm Period (MWP, ~9th to 14th century). Together, our observations indicate the quantitative applicability of the MBT/CBT-paleothermometer to Lake Cadagno sediments. In addition to the MWP, our lacustrine paleo T record indicates Holocene warm phases at about 3, 5, 7 and 11 kyr before present, which agrees in timing with other records from both the Alps and the sub-polar North-East Atlantic Ocean. The good temporal match of the warm periods determined for the central Alpine region with north-west European winter precipitation strength implies a strong and far-reaching influence of the North Atlantic Oscillation on continental European T variations during the Holocene.
Resumo:
Since the antiquity up to the 19th century fever goes for an illness of its own rights. About 1900 temperature measurement has become clinical routine and fever synonymous with elevated body heat. In the time before accelerated pulse rate was the pathognomic sign. The detection of specific pathogen organisms leads to a new understanding of nosology and to the dissolution of the fever entity. However the antipyretic therapy remains essentially the same until the appearance of antibiotics.