Detecting attacks in encrypted networks using secret-sharing schemes

Secret-sharing schemes describe methods to securely share a secret among a group of participants. A properly constructed secret-sharing scheme guarantees that the share belonging to one participant does not reveal anything about the shares of others or even the secret itself. Besides being used to distribute a secret, secret-sharing schemes have also been used in secure multi-party computations and redundant residue number systems for error correction codes. In this paper, we propose that the secret-sharing scheme be used as a primitive in a Network-based Intrusion Detection System (NIDS) to detect attacks in encrypted Networks. Encrypted networks such as Virtual Private Networks (VPNs) fully encrypt network traffic which can include both malicious and non-malicious traffic. Traditional NIDS cannot monitor such encrypted traffic. We therefore describe how our work uses a combination of Shamir's secret-sharing scheme and randomised network proxies to enable a traditional NIDS to function normally in a VPN environment.

Empathy, neutrality and emotional intelligence: a balancing act for the emotional Einstein

Emotions play a central role in mediation as they help to define the scope and direction of a conflict. When a party to mediation expresses (and hence entrusts) their emotions to those present in a mediation, a mediator must do more than simply listen - they must attend to these emotions. Mediator empathy is an essential skill for communicating to a party that their feelings have been heard and understood, but it can lead mediators into trouble. Whilst there might exist a theoretical divide between the notions of empathy and sympathy, the very best characteristics of mediators (caring and compassionate nature) may see empathy and sympathy merge - resulting in challenges to mediator neutrality. This article first outlines the semantic difference between empathy and sympathy and the role that intrapsychic conflict can play in the convergence of these behavioural phenomena. It then defines emotional intelligence in the context of a mediation, suggesting that only the most emotionally intelligent mediators are able to emotionally connect with the parties, but maintain an impression of impartiality – the quality of remaining ‘attached yet detached’ to the process. It is argued that these emotionally intelligent mediators have the common qualities of strong self-awareness and emotional self-regulation.

The Australian Palliative Care Outcomes Collaboration (PCOC) : measuring the quality and outcomes of palliative care on a routine basis

Australia is leading the way in establishing a national system (the Palliative Care Outcomes Collaboration – PCOC) to measure the outcomes and quality of specialist palliative care services and to benchmark services across the country. This article reports on analysis of data collected routinely at point-of-care on 5939 patients treated by the first fifty one services that voluntarily joined PCOC. By March 2009, 111 services have agreed to join PCOC, representing more than 70% of services and more than 80% of specialist palliative care patients nationally. All states and territories are involved in this unique process that has involved extensive consultation and infrastructure and close collaboration between health services and researchers. The challenges of dealing with wide variation in outcomes and practice and the progress achieved to date are described. PCOC is aiming to improve understanding of the reasons for variations in clinical outcomes between specialist palliative care patients and differences in service outcomes as a critical step in an ongoing process to improve both service quality and patient outcomes. What is known about the topic? Governments internationally are grappling with how best to provide care for people with life limiting illnesses and how best to measure the outcomes and quality of that care. There is little international evidence on how to measure the quality and outcomes of palliative care on a routine basis. What does this paper add? The Palliative Care Outcomes Collaboration (PCOC) is the first effort internationally to measure the outcomes and quality of specialist palliative care services and to benchmark services on a national basis through an independent third party. What are the implications for practitioners? If outcomes and quality are to be measured on a consistent national basis, standard clinical assessment tools that are used as part of everyday clinical practice are necessary.

Not yet the Internet election : online media, political commentary and the 2007 Australian federal election

This paper undertakes an overview of two developments in online media that coincided with the 'year-long campaign' that was the 2007 Australian Federal election. It discusses the relatively successful use of the Internet and social media in the 'Kevin07' Australian Labor Party campaign, and contrasts this to the Liberal-National Party's faltering use of You Tube for policy announcements. It also notes the struggle for authority in interpreting polling data between the mainstream media and various online commentators, and the 'July 12 incident' at The Australian, where it engaged in strong denunciation of alleged biases and prejudices among bloggers and on political Web sites. It concludes with consideration of some wider implication for political communication and the politics-media relationship, and whether we are seeing trends towards dispersal and diversification characterising the 'third age' of political communication.

Grown-Up Government: Bindi for Prime Minister! (Or President!).

Last week I called the Australian federal campaign the Inception election. As we lurch toward voting day on August 21, reality has tried to kick in, but to little avail. The two leaders, Prime Minister Julia Gillard (Labor) and challenger Tony Abbott (Liberal), both of whom recently toppled their predecessors in party-room coups, are now frantically searching for their own identity. And that’s what the election itself is increasingly about. Even though both have substantial track records as ministers, they are untried as national leaders. The real conundrum of the campaign – for them, if not for voters – is: Who the heck are these people?

Re-imagining China's future : soft power, cultural presence and the East Asian media market

As various contributors to this volume suggest, the term soft power is multifaceted. In 2002 Joseph Nye, the political scientist who coined the term more than a decade previously, noted that the soft power of a country rests on three resources: a country’s culture, its political values, and its foreign policies (Nye 2002). However, several factors can be drawn together to explain China’s adoption of this concept. First, China’s economic influence has precipitated a groundswell of nationalism, which reached its apex at the Opening Ceremony of the 2008 Beijing Olympics. This global media event provided an international platform to demonstrate China’s new found self-confidence. Second, cultural diplomacy and foreign aid, particularly through Third World channels is seen by the Chinese Communist Party leadership as an appropriate way to extend Chinese influence globally (Kurlantzick 2007). Third, education in Chinese culture through globally dispersed Confucius Institutes is charged with improving international understanding of Chinese culture and values, and in the process renovating negative images of China. Fourth, the influence of Japanese and Korean popular culture on China’s youth cultures in recent years has caused acute discomfit to cultural nationalists. Many contend it is time to stem the tide. Fifth, the past few years have witnessed a series of lively debates about the importance of industries such as design, advertising, animation and fashion, resulting in the construction of hundreds of creative clusters, animation centres, film backlots, cultural precincts, design centres and artist lofts.

An analysis of parliamentary questions raised by Opposition in the Uttar Pradesh (India) State Legislative Assembly

The use of parliamentary questions is the most popular and visible tool in the hands of the Opposition as a means to make government accountable. Their main purpose is to seek information or press for action. Contemporary parliamentary literature from the UK, Canada, and Australia, however, suggests that parliamentary questions have lost their effectiveness. The literature points out that Question Time in parliaments has become a battle ground between Ruling and Opposition parties in their fight to gain maximum political advantage. In this context, the effectiveness of parliamentary questions in the Indian state legislatures has not been investigated. The aim of this study, therefore, is to analyse the use, purpose and effectiveness of parliamentary questions in the State Legislative Assembly of Uttar Pradesh (India) to explore differences, if any, between Ruling and Opposition parties. In this study, 4023 parliamentary questions asked in the Uttar Pradesh State Legislative Assembly were analysed. The effectiveness of answers was also analysed qualitatively. The results show that half of the total members of the Assembly used this device, out of which 60% of the questions were asked by the Opposition party members. 31% of the questions from the Opposition were seeking information and 69% were pressing for action. The government provided the required information in 96% of the questions in the former category and took action in only 35% of the latter category. Furthermore, 60% of the questions raised by the Opposition were related to constituency matters and the remaining 40% were related to policy issues or public welfare. Comparing the data with the ruling party, the results indicate that the use,purpose and effectiveness of parliamentary questions were similar to that of the Opposition except some minor differences. Surprisingly, there was no evidence of any ‘Dorothy Dix’ questions. The study concludes parliamentary question is an effective device in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh.