914 resultados para Confererence of Ministers of Defense of the Americas


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Plants can defend themselves from potential pathogenic microorganisms relying on a complex interplay of signaling pathways: activation of the MAPK cascade, transcription of defense related genes, production of reactive oxygen species, nitric oxide and synthesis of other defensive compounds such as phytoalexins. These events are triggered by the recognition of pathogen’s effectors (effector-triggered immunity) or PAMPs (PAMP-triggered immunity). The Cerato Platanin Family (CPF) members are Cys-rich proteins secreted and localized on fungal cell walls, involved in several aspects of fungal development and pathogen-host interactions. Although more than hundred genes of the CPF have been identified and analyzed, the structural and functional characterization of the expressed proteins has been restricted only to few members of the family. Interestingly, those proteins have been shown to bind chitin with diverse affinity and after foliar treatment they elicit defensive mechanisms in host and non-host plants. This property turns cerato platanins into interesting candidates, worth to be studied to develop new fungal elicitors with applications in sustainable agriculture. This study focus on cerato-platanin (CP), core member of the family and on the orthologous cerato-populin (Pop1). The latter shows an identity of 62% and an overall homology of 73% with respect to CP. Both proteins are able to induce MAPKs phosphorylation, production of reactive oxygen species and nitric oxide, overexpression of defense’s related genes, programmed cell death and synthesis of phytoalexins. CP, however, when compared to Pop1, induces a faster response and, in some cases, a stronger activity on plane leaves. Aim of the present research is to verify if the dissimilarities observed in the defense elicitation activity of these proteins can be associated to their structural and dynamic features. Taking advantage of the available CP NMR structure, Pop1’s 3D one was obtained by homology modeling. Experimental residual dipolar couplings and 1H, 15N, 13C resonance assignments were used to validate the model. Previous works on CPF members, addressed the highly conserved random coil regions (loops b1-b2 and b2-b3) as sufficient and necessary to induce necrosis in plants’ leaves: that region was investigated in both Pop1 and CP. In the two proteins the loops differ, in their primary sequence, for few mutations and an insertion with a consequent diversification of the proteins’ electrostatic surface. A set of 2D and 3D NMR experiments was performed to characterize both the spatial arrangement and the dynamic features of the loops. NOE data revealed a more extended network of interactions between the loops in Pop1 than in CP. In addition, in Pop1 we identified a salt bridge Lys25/Asp52 and a strong hydrophobic interaction between Phe26/Trp53. These structural features were expected not only to affect the loops’ spatial arrangement, but also to reduce the degree of their conformational freedom. Relaxation data and the order parameter S2 indeed highlighted reduced flexibility, in particular for loop b1-b2 of Pop1. In vitro NMR experiments, where Pop1 and CP were titrated with oligosaccharides, supported the hypothesis that the loops structural and dynamic differences may be responsible for the different chitin-binding properties of the two proteins: CP selectively binds tetramers of chitin in a shallow groove on one side of the barrel defined by loops b1-b2, b2-b3 and b4-b5, Pop1, instead, interacts in a non-specific fashion with oligosaccharides. Because the region involved in chitin-binding is also responsible for the defense elicitation activity, possibly being recognized by plant's receptors, it is reasonable to expect that those structural and dynamic modifications may also justify the different extent of defense elicitation. To test that hypothesis, the initial steps of a protocol aimed to the identify a receptor for CP, in silico, are presented.

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Nighttime satellite imagery from the Defense Meteorological Satellite Program (DMSP) Operational Linescan System (OLS) has a unique capability to observe nocturnal light emissions from sources including cities, wild fires, and gas flares. Data from the DMSP OLS is used in a wide range of studies including mapping urban areas, estimating informal economies, and estimating urban populations. Given the extensive and increasing list of applications a repeatable method for assessing geolocation accuracy, performing inter-calibration, and defining the minimum detectable brightness would be beneficial. An array of portable lights was designed and taken to multiple field sites known to have no other light sources. The lights were operated during nighttime overpasses by the DMSP OLS and observed in the imagery. A first estimate of the minimum detectable brightness is presented based on the field experiments conducted. An assessment of the geolocation accuracy was performed by measuring the distance between the GPS measured location of the lights and the observed location in the imagery. A systematic shift was observed and the mean distance was measured at 2.9km. A method for in situ radiance calibration of the DMSP OLS using a ground based light source as an active target is presented. The wattage of light used by the active target strongly correlates with the signal measured by the DMSP OLS. This approach can be used to enhance our ability to make inter-temporal and inter-satellite comparisons of DMSP OLS imagery. Exploring the possibility of establishing a permanent active target for the calibration of nocturnal imaging systems is recommended. The methods used to assess the minimum detectable brightness, assess the geolocation accuracy, and build inter-calibration models lay the ground work for assessing the energy expended on light emitted into the sky at night. An estimate of the total energy consumed to light the night sky globally is presented.

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This communication develops the process of interventions of the Renaissance fortress of a new plant built in 1554–57 in Santa Pola. It is one of the earliest examples built with reference to military architecture theoretical treaties (XV–XVI) and best preserved. The study runs its own story from its initial military use, through the use of civil equipment until the final cultural and Museum Center. First, the project of Italian origin is examined and its use as barracks for troops for a duration of three centuries (1557–1850), pointing out the architectural constants of war machinery in a defense position and its origin as a rainwater collector and cistern: a perfect square with two bastions in which a plan of the uprising is preserved (1778). Secondly, we study the changes in the mentioned architecture throughout a century and a half (1850–1990) after its change of ownership (from the state to the municipality), and as a result of the new use as a city hall and public endowment: a market and health and leisure centre, which meant the demolition of defensive elements and the opening up to the outside of the inner parade ground. And thirdly, the new transfer of the municipal offices brings in the beginning of a project of transformations (1990–2015) that retrieves the demolished elements at the same time as it assigns the entire fort for a cultural centre: exhibition, research and history museum, promoting the identity between the citizens and the building which stands in the foundations of their city. The conclusions take us through an interesting route that goes from the approach of defensive tactics, its use as administrative headquarters to the current cultural policy of preservation. In addition, all the known plans of the fort are recovered (of military, civil and cultural use), some unpublished, as well as the project of the North wing that has guided the last operation and which has been set as a pattern of reference.

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John Pierce kept this journal while he was a student at Harvard College. It consists of manuscript musical scores with annotations indicating the occasions at which the music was performed. These occasions included commencements, public exhibitions and Dudleian lectures. A note indicates that one anthem was prepared by Samuel Holyoke at Pierce's request, to be performed at Pierce's class commencement exercises, held on July 13, 1793. Several annotations were made in May 1794, the year following Pierce's graduation. There is a table of contents on the last page.

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The hand-sewn notebook contains a 35-page manuscript draft of the Dudleian lecture delivered by Simeon Howard on September 5, 1787 at Harvard College. The sermon begins with the Biblical text Acts 17:28. The copy includes a small number of edits and struck-out words. The covers are no longer with the item. The lecture was not printed.

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The hand-sewn notebook contains a manuscript draft of the Dudleian lecture delivered by Thomas Barnard on September 3, 1795 at Harvard College. The sermon begins with the Biblical text Acts 14-57. The copy includes a small number of edits and struck-out words. The covers are no longer with the item.

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[Introduction.] It is generally believed that while the principle of the autonomy of the EU legal order, in the sense of constitutional and institutional autonomy that is to say what concerns the autonomous decision-making of the EU, has been clearly strengthened by the most recent jurisprudence of the Court of Justice (eg. Moxplant3, Intertanko or the Kadi/Al Baraakat judgements or the Opinion 1/2009 of the CJEU etc.) as well as, in my opinion, in many aspects by the Treaty of Lisbon, it is still valid to add that the principle of a favourable approach, stemming from the Court jurisprudence, for the enhanced openness of the EU legal order to international law has remained equally important for the EU4. On the other hand, it should be also seen that in a globalized world, and following the increased role of the EU as an international actor, its indispensable and crucial role concerning the creation of world (legal) order in many policy fields ( for example let's think about the G20 issues, the global economic and financial crisis, the role of the EU in promoting and protecting human rights worldwide, the implementation of the multilateral or regional conventional law, developed in the framework the UN (e.g. in the field of agriculture or environment etc) or what concerns the Kyoto process on climate change or the conservation of marine biological resources at international level etc), it seems reasonable and justified to submit that the influence, for example, of the law-making activities of the main stakeholder international organizations in the mentioned policy-areas on the EU (especially on the development of its constantly evolving legal order) or vice-versa the influence of the EU law-making practice on these international organizations is significant, in many aspects mutually interdependent and more and more remarkable. This tendency of the 21st century doesn't mean, however, in my view, that the notion of the autonomy of the EU legal order would have been weakened by this increasing interaction between international law and EU law over the passed years. This contribution is going to demonstrate and prove these departuring points by giving some concrete examples from the most recent practice of the Council (all occuring either in the second half of 2009 or after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty), and which relate to two very important policy areas in the EU, namely the protection of human rights and the Common Fishery Policy.

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Investigation about the psychological experiences of the reproductive life cycle showed that in critical moments special reactions may happen. These reactions seem to be defensive in nature, are set in motion in order to promote some kind of emotional protection and are performed in two opposite directions: a) a decreasing of the contact with aggressive impulses and b) an increasing of the use of rationalization and denial of frustrating situations. Examples of those rearrangements were observed at samples of: 1) pregnant women in obstetric high-risk consultation, 2) infertile couples waiting for infertility consultations and 3) pregnant women waiting for amniocentesis results. These data seem to be in accordance with the classical psychological points of view: a) gestation should be considered as a period of protection, b) during pregnancy a “primary maternal preoccupation” (Winnicot, 1958) emerges leading to the mobilization of all resources available for pregnant women and c) along gestational development psychological changes show how flexible maternal functioning may become. What was not expected is that in the absence of pregnancy, infertile couples should behave very similarly to what it is observed when pregnancy is in danger or when medical problems about the mother’s or the baby’s health arise in the horizon. Due to its “freezing” consequences upon emotional development we propose that this kind of reaction will be designated as “stand-by reaction”.

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From the Introduction. The rejection by the French National Assembly of the ill-fated European Defense Community (EDC) Treaty in August 30, 1954, together with the automatic shelving of the equally faulty European Political Community (EPC) proposal, put an end, at least for the time being, to any form of political and military union of the existing Western Europe on a supranational level. The times were difficult in Europe and the international atmosphere was cloudy. The end of the Korean War coincided with the insistence of the Soviets to stick to a policy of détente, leading to the suppression of the Hungarian rebellion. France was facing opposition to her colonial presence in Indochina, as well as in North Africa. But the crisis of Suez prompted the French government to distance itself from the British and the United States. The defeat of the EDC and EPC was not going to be the end of the story and the dream inaugurated by Monnet and Schuman in 1950. It was not long before plans in favor of a European re-launch were taking shape. 1

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Summary. Negotiating in the Council of the European Union poses some challenges that are common to most international negotiations but there are other dimensions that are a lot more specific. In order to understand better the specific nature of negotiations on a European level and to develop some practical guidelines for European negotiators, it is important to situate European negotiations in the more general context of the theory on international relations and to remember that European negotiations are governed by the general principles which characterise the negotiation theory. This working document has three objectives; after having reminded ourselves of the fundamental principles that govern European negotiations, it aims to provide a general foundation, which in turn will be useful for preparing most negotiations within the Council. A series of practical recommendations will then be made in order to contribute to the strategic thinking of the negotiator responsible for defending the interests of his or her Member State within the Council.

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A driving argument behind recent EU treaty reforms was that more qualified majority voting (QMV) was required to reduce the potential dangers of legislative paralysis caused by enlargement. Whilst existing literature on enlargement mostly focuses on the question of what changed in the legislative process after the 2004 enlargement, the question of why these changes occurred has been given far less attention. Through the use of a single veto player theoretical model, this paper seeks to test and explain whether enlargement reduces the efficiency of the legislative process and alters the type of legislation produced, and whether QMV can compensate for these effects. In doing this, it offers a theoretical explanation as to why institutional changes that alter the level of cohesion between actors in the Council have an influence over both the legislative process and its outcomes.

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On 18 December 2013, EU finance ministers reached agreement on the structure of a banking union. The body will be tasked with oversight of the largest banks across the EU. It will also devise recovery and resolution programmes for institutions at risk of bankruptcy, and it will handle wind-up arrangements and decide on the allocation of resulting costs. The proposals are expected to be approved by March of this year by the governments of the eurozone states, by other EU members interested in joining the banking union, and by the European Parliament. A compromise on the supervision of the largest banks in the eurozone was reached several months ago. The most recent negotiations focused on the second pillar of the banking union: a Single Resolution Mechanism. The parties successfully negotiated a set of procedures for rescuing banks capable of recovery and for the closure of institutions that cannot be rescued. A joint position was also agreed on the allocation of costs resulting from such actions.

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Edward Snowden revealed that America’s National Security Agency (NSA) had tapped Chancellor Angela Merkel’s mobile phone and had collected date en masse. This has caused the largest crisis of confidence in relations between Germany and the US since the Iraq war. Due to the technological advantage which American intelligence services have, Germany wishes to continue close co-operation with the US but is making efforts to change the legal basis of this co-operation dating back to Cold War times. Berlin would like to secure part of provisions similar to the Five Eyes alliance – agreements signed between the US, the UK, Canada, New Zealand and Australia in the second half of the 1940s, aimed at intelligence sharing and a ban mutual bugging. This could spell the end of the last (not including the military presence) relic of Germany’s dependence on the US which emerged following World War II and took shape in the shadow of the Cold War. The process of Germany’s emancipation in trans-Atlantic relations, which began after Germany’s reunification, would be complete. The US is however opposed to such far-reaching changes as it is interested in continued co-operation with Germany without limiting it. Were it not to sign agreements satisfactory for Berlin, this would lead to a protracted crisis of confidence in German-American relations.

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The state still matters. However, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community may be misinterpreting this crucial baseline prior launching their military interventions since 2001. The latest violence and collapse of the state of Iraq after the invasion of Northern Iraq by a radical Sunni Muslim terrorist group, so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), demonstrate once again the centrality and requirement of a functioning state in order to maintain violent forces to disrupt domestic and regional stability. Since 2001, the US and its European allies have waged wars against failed-states in order to increase this security and national interests, and then have been involved in some type of state-building.1 This has been the case in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali, and Central African Republic (CAR). France went into Mali (2012) and CAR (2013), which preceded two European Union military and civilian Common Security and Defense Policy missions (CSDP), in order to avoid the collapse of these two states. The threat of the collapse of both states was a concern for the members of the Euro-Atlantic community as it could have spread to the region and causing even greater instabilities. In Mali, the country was under radical Islamic pressures coming from the North after the collapse of Libya ensuing the 2011 Western intervention, while in CAR it was mainly an ethno-religious crisis. Failed states are a real concern, as they can rapidly become training grounds for radical groups and permitting all types of smuggling and trafficking.2 In Mali, France wanted to protect its large French population and avoid the fall of Mali in the hands of radical Islamic groups directly or indirectly linked to Al-Qaeda. A fallen Mali could have destabilized the region of the Sahel and ultimately affected the stability of Southern European borders. France wanted to avoid the development of a safe haven across the Sahel where movements of people and goods are uncontrolled and illegal.3 Since the end of the Cold War, Western powers have been involved in stabilizing neighborhoods and regions, like the Balkans, Africa, and Middle East, which at the exceptions of the Balkans, have led to failed policies. 9/11 changes everything. The US, under President George W. Bush, started to wage war against terrorism and all states link to it. This started a period of continuous Western interventions in this post-9/11 era in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and CAR. If history has demonstrated one thing, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community are struggling and will continue to struggle to stabilize Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic (CAR) for one simple reason: no clear endgame. Is it the creation of a state à la Westphalian in order to permit these states to operate as the sole guarantor of security? Or is the reestablishment of status quo in these countries permitting to exit and end Western operations? This article seeks to analyze Western interventions in these five countries in order to reflect on the concept of the state and the erroneous starting point for each intervention.4 In the first part, the political status of each country is analyzed in order to understand the internal and regional crisis. In a second time, the concept of the state, framed into the Buzanian trinity, is discussed and applied to the cases. In the last part the European and American civilian-military doctrines are examined in accordance with their latest military interventions and in their broader spectrum.