942 resultados para Catholic Church in Germany.


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Anhang I. Beschreibung der einzelnen initialen.--Anhang II. Verzeichniss der ganzseitigen bilder der handschrift.--Anhang III. Verzeichniss der monatsbilder und verse im kalender.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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This thesis examines the involvement of the French Freemason movement in the Resistance during the Occupation of France by the Germans 1939-1945, its relationship with the Vichy government and the effect the 'Nouvelle Révolution' had on the lives of individual Masons. To set the scene and to put the role of Freemasonry into perspective in the life of France and the French political system, the origins of French Freemasonry are examined and explained. The main French Masonic obediences are discussed and the differences between them emphasised. The particular attributes of a Freemason are described and the ideals and ethos of the Order is discussed. From its earliest days, Freemasonry has often been persecuted by the Roman Catholic Church or by extreme Right-wing movements. The history of this persecution is reviewed and the reasons for its persistence noted, with especial emphasis on the treatment of Freemasons under the fascist regimes of Italy and Germany. The fate of Freemasonry in countries under German control is also briefly examined. With the occupation of France by the Germans, the differences and similarities of the treatment of French and German Freemasons are discussed. The processes and legislation of this ban are closely examined and the part played by the Vichy government in the persecution of French Freemasonry is discussed. The effects of this persecution and the consequences for individuals are examined and the Freemason's role in the emerging Resistance movement is reviewed. The contribution of many lodges to the Resistance movement is examined and the sacrifice of many Freemasons for their ideals is emphasised.

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This article examines the close connection between Protestantism and nationalism in Imperial Germany within a transnational context. In the years before 1914, the Prussian State Church in particular strengthened the legal and organisational framework for an increasing number of diaspora congregations to become attached. These acted as an important vehicle to embed the nationalist rhetoric produced within the Reich into emigrants' notions of belonging. Whilst previous scholarship has noted this connection in general, the article sheds more detailed light on the mechanics and structure, but also on the limits, of this process. Feedback processes from periphery to centre, in turn, had an impact on German national identity construction as that of a nation that was not confined to state borders. Applying a constructionist theoretical framework, the contested question of whether the heterogeneity of Germans abroad allows for the application of the diaspora concept is answered affirmatively.

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This paper reports an exploration of religious information literacy in terms of how people use information to learn in the context of church communities. The research approach of phenomenography was used to explore Uniting Church in Australia members' experience of using information to learn as participants in their church communities. Five ways of experiencing religious information literacy were identified, using information to learn about: growing faith, developing relationships, managing the church, serving church communities and reaching out beyond church communities. It is anticipated that such findings will be of interest to information professionals, including information literacy specialists, as well as leaders and members of church communities.

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A CHILD sex scandal involving victims in Australia and Britain has hit the top echelon of the Anglican Church, with allegations that some of its most senior clergymen failed to respond properly to complaints of horrific abuse. The former archbishop of York, now Lord (David) Hope of Thornes, yesterday expressed regret over failing to report to police allegations in 1999 and 2003 about a former Queensland Anglican school principal, who rose to become the head of education for the church in Britain. The late reverend Robert Waddington has been accused of beating and sexually abusing students during the 1960s at St Barnabas boarding school in Ravenshoe, north Queensland, and later, when he was in charge of the choir as dean of Manchester. A joint investigation by The Australian and The Times newspaper in London has revealed that church officials, including Lord Hope, failed to report the 1999 allegations of abuse made by a former Queensland student and similar claims made in 2003 by the family of a choirboy in Manchester. The alleged victims were never told of the existence of the other allegations.

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Globally, cities face a convergence of complex and rapidly evolving challenges, including climate change, resource shortages, population growth and urbanization, and financial pressures. Biophilic urbanism is an emerging design principle capable of considering the multidimensional and interdependent complexities of urban systems and infrastructure, which through the use of natural design features, can meet society’s inherent need for contact with nature, and assist efforts to respond to these growing challenges. Considering the imperative for addressing these challenges, this paper proposes that significant lessons can be learned from existing examples of biophilic urbanism, avoiding ‘re-invention of the wheel’ and facilitating accelerated innovation in other areas. Vauban is a 38-hectare brownfield development located 3 kilometers from the centre of Germanys ‘ecological capital’ of Freiburg city. It was developed using an innovative process with strong community participation and reinterpreted developer roles to produce an example of integrated sustainability. Innovation in transport, energy, housing, development and water treatment has enabled a relatively high-density, mixed-use development that integrates a considerable amount of nature. This paper discusses Vauban in light of research undertaken over the last two years through the Sustainable Built Environment National Research Centre in Australia, to investigate emerging elements of ‘biophilic urbanism’ (nature-loving cities), and their potential to be mainstreamed within urban environments. The paper considers the interplay between the policies, community dynamics and innovations in Vauban, within the context of the culture, history and practice of sustainability in Germany, and how these have enabled nature to be integrated into the urban environment of Vauban while achieving other desirable goals for urban areas. It highlights potential applications from Vauban for Australian cities.

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The study focuses on the Visitation as a narrative subject of altarpieces in late fifteenth-century Florence. Although the Visitation was a well-known story in both verbal and visual representations since the early medieval period, it became a popular subject of altarpieces only towards the end of the fifteenth century. In this study, the first part provides an overview of the complex religious and historical background to an emerging cult of the Visitation. Devotional practices focusing on the Visitation belong in a context of late medieval Marian devotion and in 1389 a new feast of the Visitation was introduced into the liturgical calendar of the Catholic Church. Because of the ongoing schism within the Catholic Church, the feast was not unanimously accepted across Western Europe until the later part of the fifteenth century. Contrary to a widely disseminated view, the feast of the Visitation cannot be associated with Franciscan spirituality, but was rather a clearly defined Dominican project that primarily emphasised the importance of peace and unity within the Christian Church. Simultaneously with the gradual acceptance of the new feast, visual representations of the Visitation began to appear at the centre of altarpieces. The Visitation exemplifies an increasing preference for narrative subjects within the genre of the altarpiece. The second part of the study presents an analysis of the concept of the narrative altarpiece and highlights the complexities involved in combining a narrative content with the traditional devotional function of the altarpiece. In detailed case studies some prominent art works produced in Florence between 1490 and 1503 are discussed within a framework of contextual analysis, narrative theory and iconography. Altarpieces by Domenico Ghirlandaio, Piero di Cosimo and Mariotto Albertinelli represent visual manifestations of a cult of the Visitation with roots in late medieval devotional practices. At the same time, the altarpieces highlight the multiple functions of altarpieces in a culture where art works responded to a variety of social and religious needs. Building on earlier studies, each case study presents new insights and evidence not considered in previous art historical research.

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In order to fully understand the process of European integration it is of paramount importance to consider developments at the sub-national and local level. EU integration scholars shifted their attention to the local level only at the beginning of the 1990s with the concept of multi-level governance (MLG). While MLG is the first concept to scrutinise the position of local levels of public administration and other actors within the EU polity, I perceive it as too optimistic in the degree of influence it ascribes to local levels. Thus, learning from and combining MLG with other concepts, such as structural constructivism, helps to reveal some of the hidden aspects of EU integration and paint a more realistic picture of multi-level interaction. This thesis also answers the call for more case studies in order to conceptualise MLG further. After a critical study of theories and concepts of European integration, above all, MLG, I will analyse sub-national and local government in Finland and Germany. I show how the sub-national level and local governments are embedded in the EU s multi-level structure of governance and how, through EU integration, those levels have been empowered but also how their scope of action has partially decreased. After theoretical and institutional contextualisation, I present the results of my empirical study of the EU s Community Initiative LEADER+. LEADER stands for Liaison Entre Actions de Développement de l'Économie Rurale , and aims at improving the economic conditions in Europe s rural areas. I was interested in how different actors construct and shape EU financed rural development, especially in how local actors organised in so-called local action groups (LAGs) cooperate with other administrative units within the LEADER+ administrative chain. I also examined intra-institutional relations within those groups, in order to find out who are the most influential and powerful actors within them. Empirical data on the Finnish and German LAGs was first gathered through a survey, which was then supplemented and completed by interviewing LAG members, LAG-managers, several civil servants from Finnish and German decision-making and managing authorities and a civil servant from the EU Commission. My main argument is that in both Germany and Finland, the Community Initiative LEADER+ offered a space for multi-level interaction and local-level involvement, a space that on the one hand consists of highly motivated people actively contributing to the improvement of the quality of life and economy in Europe s countryside but which is dependent and also restricted by national administrative practices, implementation approaches and cultures on the other. In Finland, the principle of tri-partition (kolmikantaperiaatte) in organising the executive committees of LAGs is very noticeable. In comparison to Germany, for instance, the representation of public administration in those committees is much more limited due to this principle. Furthermore, the mobilisation of local residents and the bringing together of actors from the local area with different social and institutional backgrounds to become an active part of LEADER+ was more successful in Finland than in Germany. Tri-partition as applied in Finland should serve as a model for similar policies in other EU member states. EU integration changed the formal and informal inter-institutional relations linking the different levels of government. The third sector including non-governmental institutions and interest groups gained access to policy-making processes and increasingly interact with government institutions at all levels of public administration. These developments do not necessarily result in the empowering of the local level.

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National identity signifies and makes state s defence- and foreign policy behaviour meaningful. National consciousness is narrated into existence by narratives upon one s own exceptionalism and Otherness of the other nations. While national identity may be understood merely as a self-image of a nation, defence identity refers to the borders of Otherness and issues that have been considered as worth defending for. As national identities and all the world order models are human constructions, they may be changed by the human efforts as well; states and nations may deliberately promote communitarian or even cosmopolitan equality and tolerance without borders of Otherness. The main research question of the thesis is: How does Poland constitute herself as a nation and a state agent in the current world order and to what extent have contextual foreign and defence policy interactions changed the Polish defence identity during the post-Cold War era? The main empirical argument of the thesis is: Poland is a narrated idea of a Christian Catholic nation-state, which the Polish State, the Catholic Church of Poland, the Armed Forces of Poland as well as a majority of the Polish nation share. Polish defence identity has been almost impenetrable to contextual foreign and defence policy interactions during the post-Cold War era. While Christian religious ontology binds corporate Poland together, allowing her to survive any number of military and political catastrophes, it simultaneously brings her closer to the USA, raises tensions in the infidel EU-context, and restrains corporate Poland s pursuit of communitarian, or even cosmopolitan, global equality and tolerance. It is not the case that corporate Poland s foreign and defence policy orientation is instinctively Atlanticist by nature, as has been argued. Rather, it has been the State s rational project to overcome a habituated and reified fear of becoming geopolitically sandwiched between Russian and German Others by leaning on the USA; among the Polish nation, support for the USA has been declining since 2004. It is not corporate Poland either that has turned into a constructive European , as has been argued, but rather the Polish nation that has, at least partly, managed to emancipate itself from its habituation to a betrayal by Europe narrative, since it favours the EU as much as it favours NATO. It seems that in the Polish case a truly common European CFSP vis-à-vis Russia may offer a solution that will emancipate the Polish State from its habituated EU-sceptic role identity and corporate Poland from its narrated borders of Otherness towards Russia and Germany, but even then one cannot be sure whether any other perspective than the Polish one on a common stand towards Russia would satisfy the Poles themselves.

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The work examines the change involving the Church in Tunisia from the period of the Protectorate to the present through the fundamental moments of independence (1956) and the signing of the ‘Modus vivendi’ (1964). In the first structure of the “modern” Church, a fundamental role was played by the complex figure of the French Cardinal Charles-Allemand Lavigerie who, while giving strong impulse to setting up disinterested charitable social initiatives by the congregations (Pères Blancs, Soeurs Blanches and others), also represented the ideal of the ‘evangelizing’ (as well as colonial) Church which, despite its declared will to avoid proselytism, almost inevitably tended to slip into it. During the French Protectorate (1881-1956) the ecclesiastic institution concentrated strongly on itself, with little heed for the sensitivity of its host population, and developed its activities as if it were in a European country. From the social standpoint, the Church was mostly involved in teaching, which followed the French model, and health facilities. In the Church only the Pères Blancs missionaries were sincerely committed to promoting awareness of the local context and dialogue with the Muslims. The Catholic clergy in the country linked its religious activity close to the policy of the Protectorate, in the hope of succeeding in returning to the ancient “greatness of the African Church”, as the Eucharistic Congress in Carthage in 1930 made quite clear. The Congress itself planted the first seed in the twentyfive- year struggle that led the Tunisian population to independence in 1956 and the founding of the Republic in 1957. The conquest of independence and the ‘Modus vivendi’ marked a profound change in the situation and led to an inversion of roles: the Catholic community was given the right to exist only on the condition that it should not interfere in Tunisian society. The political project of Bourguiba, who led the Republic from 1957 to 1987, aimed to create a strongly egalitarian society, with a separation between political and religious powers. In particular, in referring to the Church, he appeared as a secularist with no hostility towards the Catholics who were, however, considered as “cooperators”, welcome so long as they were willing to place their skills at the service of the construction of the state. So, in the catholic Community was a tension between the will of being on the side of the country and that of conserving a certain distance from it and not being an integral part of it. In this process of reflection, the role of the Second Vatican Council was fundamental: it spread the idea of a Church open to the world and the other religions, in particular to Islam: the teaching of the Council led the congregations present in the country to accept the new condition. This new Church that emerged from the Council saw some important events in the process of “living together”, of “cultural mixing” and the search for a common ground between different realities. The almost contemporary arrival of Arab bishops raised awareness among the Tunisians of the existence of Christian Arabs and, at the same time, the Catholic community began considering their faith in a different way. In the last twenty years the situation has continued to change. Side by side with the priests present for decades or even those born there, some new congregations have begun to operate, albeit in small numbers: they have certainly revitalized the community of the faithful, but they sometimes appear more devoted to service “within” the Church, than to services for the population, and are thus characterized by exterior manifestations of their religion. This sort of presence has made it possible for Bourguiba's successor, Ben Ali (president from 1987 to 2011), to practice forms of tolerance even more clearly, but always limited to formal relations; the Tunisians are still far from having a real understanding of the Catholic reality, with certain exceptions connected to relations on a personal and not structured plane, as was the case in the previous period. The arrival of a good number of young people from sub-Saharan Africa, most of all students, belonging to the JCAT, and personnel of the BAD has “Africanized” the Church in Tunisia and has brought about an increase in Christians' exterior manifestations; but this is a visibility that is not blatant but discreet, with the implicit risk of the Church continuing to be perceived as a sort of exterior body, alien to the country; nor can we say, lacking proper documentation, how it will be possible to build a bridge between different cultures through the “accompaniment” of Christian wives of Tunisians. Today, the Church is living in a country that has less and less need of it; its presence, in the schools and in health facilities, is extremely reduced. And also in other sectors of social commitment, such as care for the disabled, the number of clergymen involved is quite small. The ‘revolution’ in 2011 and the later developments up to the present have brought about another socio-political change, characterized by a climate of greater freedom, but with as yet undefinable contours. This change in the political climate will inevitable have consequences in Tunisia’s approach to religious and cultural minorities, but it is far too soon to discuss this on the historical and scientific planes.