990 resultados para COLOMBIAN ELECTIONS
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How does income inequality affect political representation? Jan Rosset, Nathalie Giger and Julian Bernauer examine whether politicians represent the views of poorer and richer citizens equally. They find that in 43 out of the 49 elections included in their analysis, the preferences of low-income citizens are located further away from the policy positions of the closest political party than those with mid-range incomes. This suggests that income inequality may spill-over into political inequalities, although it is less clear whether this effect is likely to get better or worse as a result of the Eurozone crisis.
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Issue ownership theory argues that when a voter considers a party to be the most competent amongst others to deal with an issue (that is, the party "owns" the issue), chances are the voter will vote for that party. Recent work has shown that perceptions of issue ownership are dynamic: they are affected by the media coverage of party messages. However, based on the broad literature on partisan bias, we predict that parties' efforts to change issue ownership perceptions will have a difficult time breaching the perceptual screen created by a voter's party preference. Using two separate experiments with a similar design we show that the effect of partisan issue messages on issue competence is moderated by party preference. The effect of issue messages is reinforced when people already like a party, and blocked when people dislike a party.
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In March of 2012, the Iowa Secretary of State’s office compared Iowa’s voter registration records with the driver’s license record s of individuals that identified themselves as non-citizens with the Iowa Department of Transportation. After comparing those records, the Iowa Secretary of State’s office found that more than 3,000 individuals registered to vote that had previously identified themselves as non-citizens. More than 1,000 of these individuals had also cast a ballot. The Iowa Secretary of State’s office was not given timely access to the federal Systematic Alien Verification for Entitlements (SAVE)database, and therefore was unable to determine if any of these individuals had become citizens before they registered to vote or cast a ballot. On June 21, 2012, the Iowa Secretary of State’s office entered into an agreement with the Iowa Department of Public Safety’s Division of Criminal Investigation (DCI) to review potential election misconduct crimes and improve the administration of federal elections. Over the last two years,DCI agents have reviewed thousands of instances of possible election misconduct. DCI’s review included cases referred by the Iowa Secretary of State’s office as well as by other state and local government agencies.
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Pinus caribaea var. hondurensis (Sénécl) Barr. & Golf. is a tropical pine that naturally occurs in lowland areas of Belize, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and eastern Mexico. It has been one of the most studied tropical pines and the one with the most commercial importance in Brazil. The objective of this work was to select the best provenances for plantations and best trees in families for the establishment of seed orchards. For that a trial with five provenances and 47 open-pollinated families was planted near Planaltina, Federal District, in the Cerrado Region of Brazil. The provenances tested were Poptun (Guatemala), Gualjoco, Los Limones, El Porvenir and Santa Cruz de Yojoa (Honduras) and assessed at 12 years of age. Poptun and Gualjoco had larger volume, and Los Limones and El Porvenir the lowest incidence of forks and foxtails. Individual tree heritabilities for volume, stem form and branch diameter were 0.34, 0.06, and 0.26 respectively. More than 90% of the trees had defects, common in unimproved P. caribaea. Selection criteria for quality traits need to be relaxed in the first generation of breeding to allow for larger genetic gains in productivity. Results from this test compared with P. caribaea var. hondurensis trials in other Brazilian, Colombian and Venezuelan sites suggest that provenance x site and family x site interactions are not as strong as in other pine species.
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Abstract: How electors choose thier party in general elections
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We study the determinants of political myopia in a rational model of electoral accountability where the key elements are informational frictions and uncertainty. We build aframework where political ability is ex-ante unknown and policy choices are not perfectlyobservable. On the one hand, elections improve accountability and allow to keep well-performing incumbents. On the other, politicians invest too little in costly policies withfuture returns in an attempt to signal high ability and increase their reelection probability.Contrary to the conventional wisdom, uncertainty reduces political myopia and may, undersome conditions, increase social welfare. We use the model to study how political rewardscan be set so as to maximise social welfare and the desirability of imposing a one-term limitto governments. The predictions of our theory are consistent with a number of stylised factsand with a new empirical observation documented in this paper: aggregate uncertainty, measured by economic volatility, is associated to better fiscal discipline in a panel of 20 OECDcountries.
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Abstract: Parties' campaigns in European elections of 2004
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The objective of this work was to study the genetic variability of the grasshopper Rhammatocerus schistocercoides (Orthoptera: Acrididae) using RAPD analysis among individuals from three populations, one from Colombia and two from Brazil (Goiás and Mato Grosso States). Ninety scorable binary markers were obtained by fingerprinting with 11 oligonucleotide primers. Most of the polymorphism was attributed to 42 markers with variable frequency among the different populations. Although the existence of significant difference among populations (P<0.0001), most of the genetic variability was found within populations (87.7% of total variation). Pairwise distances between Colombian and Brazilian populations were 0.12 (P<0.0001) and 0.18 (P<0.0001) for Goiás and Mato Grosso, respectively. The pairwise distance between Goiás and Mato Grosso populations was 0.06 (P<0.0001). These data indicated that the phenotypic differences among populations are associated mainly with the geographical distances between the Brazilian and Colombian populations.
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Abstract: Who represents Eurosceptical voters? The 2004 elections to the European Parliament
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[cat] Aquest article vol refutar la hipòtesi que els partits decideixen sistemes electorals majoritaris i que decideixen també mantenir-los invariables, sempre que el sistema de partits s"aproximi al bipartidisme i cap dels dos grans partits pugui perdre la seva posició a favor d"un nou competidor. De manera inversa, els sistemes electorals proporcionals són la conseqüència del multipartidisme, en el qual cap partit té opcions de rebre la majoria dels vots. El cas valencià, però, confirma només parcialment la hipòtesi: els partits van aprovar el 1982 regles proporcionals perquè les eleccions dels parlaments autonòmics eren considerades secundàries, no només pel multipartidisme existent aleshores. En canvi, sí que es confirma que el canvi iniciat el 2006 amb la reforma estatutària manté, de moment, l"status quo per no alterar la formació de majories parlamentàries. Encara queda pendent, però, que es modifiqui la Llei Electoral, de la qual depèn quin mínim de vots per entrar a les Corts s"establirà.
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Abstract: Strategy, relevance and meaning: on the use of context in the Finnish TV spots for the European parliamentary elections
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Why do public-sector workers receive so much of their compensation in the formof pensions and other benefits? This paper presents a political economy model inwhich politicians compete for taxpayers' and government employees' votes by promising compensation packages, but some voters cannot evaluate every aspect of promisedcompensation. If pension packages are "shrouded", so that public-sector workers better understand their value than ordinary taxpayers, then compensation will be highlyback-loaded. In equilibrium, the welfare of public-sector workers could be improved,holding total public-sector costs constant, if they received higher wages and lowerpensions. Centralizing pension determination has two offsetting effects on generosity:more state-level media attention helps taxpayers better understand pension costs, andthat reduces pension generosity; but a larger share of public-sector workers will votewithin the jurisdiction, which increases pension generosity. A short discussion of pensions in two decentralized states (California and Pennsylvania) and two centralizedstates (Massachusetts and Ohio) suggests that centralization appears to have modestlyreduced pensions, but, as the model suggests, this is unlikely to be universal.
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Voter Rights Continuing Education
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Opinnäytetyö käsittelee kampanjointiviestintää eduskuntavaaleissa 2007 painottuen kampanjointikeinoihin verkossa. Itse olin keskeisesti mukana Sauli Niinistön eduskuntavaalikampanjassa työskentelemällä hänen kampanjansa tiimivastaavana ja kampanjatoimiston vetäjänä neljän kuukauden ajan. Niinistön kampanjassa käytettiin monipuolisesti hyödyksi Internetiä ja sen tarjoamia mahdollisuuksia. Muun nettikampanjoinnin lisäksi tuotettiin 19 uutisvideota. Tässä opinnäytetyössä tarkastelen Sauli Niinistön verkossa tapahtunutta vaalikampanjointia sekä Saulin Tietotoimiston Uutisia osana kokonaisuutta. Arvioin myös sitä, millaisia erilaisia kampanjointikeinoja ehdokkaat käyttävät verkossa ja miten ne toimivat Sauli Niinistön eduskuntavaalikampanjassa. Perehdyn myös tarkemmin näiden vaalien uutuuteen, verkkovideoihin sekä arvioin, millaista lisäarvoa nettiuutisilla saatiin Niinistön kampanjaan. Kontekstina työssäni on yleisesti kampanjakeinojen kehittyminen Internetissä 2000-luvun aikana. Verkosta on tullut entistä varteenotettavampi kampanjointipaikka sitä mukaa kuin äänestäjät ovat alkaneet kuluttaa entistä enemmän aikaa verkossa. Vaalikampanjoidenkin sisällön täytyy olla entistä ammattimaisemmin tuotettua. Vaalikampanjat käydään yhä enenevässä määrin median kautta. Median osuus on huomattava myös eduskuntavaaleissa, etenkin vaalipiireissä, joissa on paljon asukkaita. Tästä syystä kampanjaorganisaatiolta vaaditaan yhä enemmän viestintätaitoja. Organisaatiosta on löydyttävä ihmisiä, jotka ehdokkaan lisäksi voivat kommentoida kampanjaa eri välineille luontevasti. Moniosaajuuden merkitys siis korostuu myös vaalityössä.