886 resultados para ethnic conlict


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This paper examines how anxieties about ethnic identity proliferate as state borders begin to shift and open in response to accelerating possibilities of cross-border cooperation. As the border becomes more porous, social and cultural boundaries become marked in other ways, spatially re-scaled to reflect new uncertainties consequent upon border change. Using an example from the Irish land border, the paper traces how national space is re-imagined and re-placed in the everyday practices of residents in a violent border zone from which the state is ostensibly retreating. It shows that communal division is as sharply drawn as ever at a time when the ‘visibility’ of the state border itself is beginning to diminish.

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In a meritocratic society it is assumed that the chance of achieving occupational mobility (OM) is not strongly influenced by one's starting position in terms of class or ethnicity. This paper seeks to explain the drivers of the high levels of OM achieved by one ethnically defined group: the Scots. Educational attainment is shown to be particularly important. A second level of interest is the changing role of internal migrants to a global city in the face of increased international skilled immigration. We investigate whether there is any evidence that the OM of internal migrants is being hindered as a result. The evidence points instead to immobile local labour being more disadvantaged occupationally than mobile labour from peripheral regions of the state.

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Two studies were carried out in England to investigate the role of essentialist national group definitions in determining the effect of national identification on prejudice towards immigrants, and asylum seekers in particular. It was expected that the relationship between national identification and prejudice would depend on the degree to which participants endorse an essentialist (`ethnic') definition of their nationality. Consistent with this, Study 1 (N=154) found that national identification is associated with negativity towards asylum seekers only among individuals who endorse an essentialist conception of the group, and shows no significant association with prejudice among those who reject such a conception. Study 2 (N=219) used a longitudinal design conducted over 6 weeks, allowing cross-lagged analysis of causality between essentialism, identification, and behavioural intentions towards asylum seekers. A causal effect of essentialism on willingness to support a group acting against asylum seekers was observed, with no significant causal effect in the reverse direction. The reverse causal direction was observed in the case of support for a group seeking to support asylum seekers, with intended behaviours determining essentialism. The results are discussed in terms of the importance of group definitions in the study of in-group affiliations and prejudice.

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Three studies tested the effects of essentialist beliefs regarding the national ingroup in situations where a perpetrator group has inflicted harm on a victim group. For members of the perpetrator group, it was hypothesised that ‘essentialism’ has a direct positive association with ‘collective guilt’ felt as a result of misdeeds conducted by other ingroup members in the past. Simultaneously, it was hypothesised to have an indirect negative association with collective guilt, mediated by perceived threat to the ingroup. Considering these indirect and direct effects jointly, it was hypothesised that the negative indirect effect suppresses the direct positive effect, and that the latter would only emerge if perceived ‘ingroup threat’ was controlled for. This was tested in a survey conducted in Latvia among Russians (N?=?70) and their feelings toward how Russians had treated ethnic Latvians during the Soviet occupation; and in a survey in Germany among Germans (N?=?84), focussing on their feelings toward the Holocaust. For members of the victim group, it was hypothesised that essentialism would be associated with more anger and reluctance to forgive past events inflicted on other ingroup members. It was proposed that this effect would be mediated by feeling connected to the ingroup victims. This was tested in a survey conducted among Hong Kong Chinese and their feelings toward the Japanese and the Nanjing massacre (N?=?56). Results from all three studies supported the hypotheses.

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We argue that attitudes about immigration can be better understood by paying closer attention to the various ways in which national group boundaries are demarcated. We describe two related lines of work that address this. The first deals with national group definitions and, based on evidence from studies carried out in England and analyses of international survey data, argues that the relationship between national identification and prejudice toward immigrants is contingent on the extent to which ethnic or civic definitions of nationality are endorsed. The second, which uses European survey data, examines support for ascribed and acquired criteria that can be applied when determining who is permitted to migrate to one's country, and the various forms of national and individual threat that affect support for these criteria. We explain how the research benefits from a multilevel approach and also suggest how these findings relate to some current policy debates.

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For many years Northern Ireland has been a divided society where members of the two main religious groups, Catholics and Protestants, have limited opportunities to interact due to segregation in their social lives. Attempts have been made to encourage religious mixing through integration in schools, housing and workplaces predicated on the theory that bringing people together can improve community relations and remove prejudices – known as the ‘contact hypothesis’. However, little is known about those who enter into mixed-religion partnerships often against the wishes of their families and communities. This paper examines the characteristics and attitudes of mixed-religion couples and suggests that they differ in their socio-demographic characteristics and in their attitudes from those who marry within their own religion. These findings add to the weight of evidence from other countries in conflict suggesting that intermarriage has a role to play in contributing to less sectarian views and improved community relations.

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This paper explores one of the defining aspects of politics and identity in Northern Ireland : the control and utilisation of public space, particularly urban public space. I will examine evidence of some changes in the way public space is being used in central Belfast that potentially reflects changing identities in the city. The paper concludes by speculating on whether a new civic identity that spans the political and ethnic divisions has started to develop in Belfast and that this might evolve even with increased residential division throughout the Belfast urban area.

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Osteosarcomas are the most prevalent primary bone tumors found in pediatric patients. To understand their molecular etiology, cell culture models are used to define disease mechanisms under controlled conditions. Many osteosarcoma cell lines (e.g., SAOS-2, U2OS, MG63) are derived from Caucasian patients. However, patients exhibit individual and ethnic differences in their responsiveness to irradiation and chemotherapy. This motivated the establishment of osteosarcoma cell lines (OS1, OS2, OS3) from three ethnically Chinese patients. OS1 cells, derived from a pre-chemotherapeutic tumor in the femur of a 6-year-old female, were examined for molecular markers characteristic for osteoblasts, stem cells, and cell cycle control by immunohistochemistry, reverse transcriptase-PCR, Western blotting and flow cytometry. OS I have aberrant G-banded karyotypes, possibly reflecting chromosomal abnormalities related to p53 deficiency. OS I had ossification profiles similar to human fetal osteoblasts rather than SAOS-2 which ossifies ab initio, (P

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The recent identification of somatic mutations in the catalytic region of PIK3 (PIK3CA) in breast cancer and demonstration of their oncogenic function has implicated PIK3CA in mammary carcinogenesis. To investigate possible ethnic differences in patterns of PIK3CA mutations in Singaporean Chinese breast cancer and to characterize these in a panel of cell lines, we sequenced exons 9 and 20 in 80 primary tumors, 19 breast cancer cell lines and 7 normal human mammary epithelial cells (HMECs). Searching for novel hotspots of mutation, we sequenced additional exons ( 1, 2, 6, 7, 14 and 18) in 20 primary tumors and 6 breast cancer cell lines. We detected 33 point mutations in 31 of 80 (39%) breast cancers, and 11 mutations in 10 of 19 (53%) breast cancer cell lines. No mutations were detected in normal breast tissue adjacent to the tumor, or in the 6 normal HMECs. The exon 20 A3140G (H1047R) substitution was identified most frequently (22/31, 71%) and showed a significant association with patient age ( p = 0.043) and stage of the disease ( p = 0.025), but not with ER/PR status or histological grade of the tumor. The incidence of point mutations in PIK3CA, the A3140G substitution in particular, in Singapore breast cancers are among the most frequent reported to date for any gene in breast cancer. The results suggest that mutation of PIK3CA might contribute to development of early stage breast cancer and could provide a potent target for early diagnosis and therapy.

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Hereditary non-polyposis colorectal cancer (HNPCC), predominantly due to germline MLH1/MSH2 mutations, is the commonest form of hereditary colorectal cancer (CRC), but data in Asians are sparse. We sequenced the MLH1/MSH2 coding and promoter core regions in CRC patients diagnosed below age 40, and/or with multiple primary cancers or familial cancer clustering suggestive of HNPCC, and correlated deleterious mutations with clinical and tumour features. Forty-six Chinese, Malay and Indian kindreds participated. Of the 153 cancers reported in the 46 kindreds, stomach (14%) and urogenital cancers (13%) were the most common extracolonic cancers, whereas endometrial cancer comprised only 7%. Eleven different MLH1 and 12 MSH2 mutations were identified, including nine novel and four recurring mutations in the Chinese. One Indian was a compound heterozygote for an MLH1 and MSH2 mutation. The MLH1/MSH2 mutation data in the Malays and the Indians represents the first in these ethnic groups. Factors strongly associated with deleterious mutations were the Amsterdam criteria, family history of stomach or multiple primary cancers, and MSI-high tumours, whereas family history of endometrial cancer and young cancer age alone correlated poorly. Distinct clinical and molecular characteristics were identified among Asian HNPCC kindreds and may have important clinical implications.

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Using data from the 2002 and 2009 Northern Ireland Life and Times (NILT) surveys, we examine attitudes towards immigrant and ethnic minority groups in Northern Ireland. We suggest that Protestant and unionist communities experience a higher level of cultural threat than Catholic and nationalist communities on account of the ‘parity of esteem’ principle that has informed changes in the province since the Belfast Agreement of 1998. Our analyses confirm that, while there is evidence for some level of anti-immigrant sentiment across all groups, Protestants and unionists do indeed report relatively more negative attitudes towards a range of immigrant and ethnic target groups compared to Catholic, nationalist, or respondents who do not identify with either religious or political category. The analyses further suggest that their higher level of perceived cultural threat partially accounts for this difference. We suggest that cultural threat can be interpreted as a response to changes in Northern Ireland that have challenged the dominant status enjoyed by Protestants and unionists in the past.

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Concern with what can explain variation in generalized social trust has led to an abundance of theoretical models. Defining generalized social trust as a belief in human benevolence, we focus on the emancipation theory and social capital theory as well as the ethnic diversity and economic development models of trust. We then determine which dimensions of individuals’ behavior and attitudes as well as of their national context are the most important predictors. Using data from 20 countries that participated in round one of the European Social Survey, we test these models at their respective level of analysis, individual and/or national. Our analysis revealed that individuals’ own trust in the political system as a moral and competent institution was the most important predictor of generalized social trust at the individual level, while a country’s level of affluence was the most important contextual predictor, indicating that different dimensions are significant at the two levels of analysis. This analysis also raised further questions as to the meaning of social capital at the two levels of analysis and the conceptual equivalence of its civic engagement dimension across cultures.

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We examined the relationship between Individualism/Collectivism and generalized social trust across 31 European nations participating in the European Social Survey. Using multi-level regression analyses, the current study provides the first empirical investigation of the effects of cultural norms of Individualism/Collectivism on generalized social trust while accounting for individuals' own cultural orientations within the same analysis. The results provide clear support for Yamagishi and Yamagishi (1994) emancipation theory of trust, showing a significant and positive relationship between Individualism/Collectivism and generalized social trust, over and above the effect of a country political history of communism and ethnic heterogeneity. Having controlled for individual effects of Individualism/Collectivism it is clear that the results of the current analysis cannot be reduced to an individual-level explanation, but must be interpreted within the context Of macrosocial processes. We conclude by discussing potential mechanisms that could explain why national individualism is more likely to foster trust among people than collectivism.

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This paper examines the concept of the blason populaire in a corpus of Irish-language proverbial material covering the period 1858-1952. It will demonstrate that the focus of these blasons populaires is primarily regional, as opposed to national or ethnic, and, furthermore, that such proverbs are usually jocular, descriptive, and benign, rarely exhibiting ethnic or racial slurs. The study identifies and analyses the most salient stereotypical characterizations, and the proverbial forms in which they appear.