842 resultados para VIOLENT
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This paper discusses how Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) can boost its stalled economy by generating jobs and increasing film-tourism, while simultaneously helping unite its culturally divided nation, by building a film/TV production industry looking to Northern Ireland's successful model following its similarly violent history. Evidence is presented substantiating that BiH has the infrastructure and workforce from which to grow a film/TV production industry, but it must be built through large-scale foreign productions like Northern Ireland did with Game of Thrones. Examining studies conducted by industry experts, strategies are offered for building a competitive and sustainable film/TV production industry in BiH. Results reveal more research is needed evidencing film/TV production can unify people from different ethno-religious/political groups in post-conflict societies.
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La tradición investigadora de la violencia escolar se ha centrado fundamentalmente en los últimos ciclos de Educación Primaria y en la Educación Secundaria Obligatoria, abordándose muy poco la presencia, características, evaluación e intervención de los problemas interpersonales en edades tempranas. El objetivo del presente estudio es la construcción y validación de un cuestionario que identifique el inicio y las formas más frecuentes de violencia escolar en los primeros años de escolarización para diseñar programas de prevención eficaces. Los participantes fueron 195 niños/as del último curso de educación infantil y primer ciclo de educación primaria. La investigación realizada ha mostrado que el instrumento denominado Cuestionario de Evaluación de Violencia Escolar en Infantil y Primaria (CEVEIP) presenta adecuadas propiedades psicométricas. El instrumento consta de 27 ítems en formato de autoinforme que evalúa siete tipologías de violencia que se dan en el contexto escolar en edades tempranas desde tres perspectivas: violencia observada, vivida y realizada. Los resulta-dos ponen de manifiesto que el comportamiento violento está presente desde los primeros años de escolarización, siendo éste de baja o moderada frecuencia e intensidad. Estos niveles de violencia podrían ser aprovechados en el ámbito educativo para una gestión más positiva en el desarrollo personal del alumno/a.
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This study aimed to identify factors associated with the likelihood of IPV cessation among women attending Spanish primary healthcare. Of the 2465 women who reported lifetime IPV, 36.1 % stated that violence had ceased. Those women not currently abused had higher levels of education and social support, were workers or students, and had no dependent children. When IPV duration was less than 5 years, the likelihood of cessation was two times higher than when IPV continued beyond 5 years. For women who have experienced physical IPV, the probability of ending the violent relationship was 10 times higher than for those suffering from psychological IPV. The implications of the findings regarding clinical significance and future research are discussed.
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Este trabajo de investigación pretende poner en valor una comprensión del espacio desde la vinculación existente entre el cuerpo y el complejo e inestable ambiente que habita. Por un lado, el cuerpo, con sus relaciones, acciones y afectos, se erige como la herramienta clave para entender las dinámicas de producción espacial contemporánea, por otro, la inclusión de la escala humana, hace que los grandes relatos se desvanezcan en favor de una serie de vínculos sensibles que re-humanizan la arquitectura y atienden a las sensaciones del individuo. Así, se pone de manifiesto una narración que sitúa al cuerpo como protagonista y en la que su vinculación con la espacialidad fluctúa entre la sumisión, la violencia y la armonía para con los otros cuerpos y el espacio. Como caso de estudio, se ha tomado la más abyecta y violenta de las construcciones: el campo de concentración de Auschwitz, en un intento de re-pensarlo desde los afectos del individuo y de problematizar las relaciones y acciones contemporáneas –que de acuerdo con el filósofo Michael Foucault- derivan hacia derroteros de control y violencias invisibles. Dicha tarea se nutre de una multiplicidad de cartografías como instrumento de conocimiento para visibilizar narraciones arquitectónicas a través del cuerpo, con el objetivo tanto del análisis de situaciones acontecidas, como de operar sobre nuevas oportunidades espaciales.
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S’hi presenten les recerques realitzades a l’assentament fortificat ibèric del Cabeçó de Mariola (Alfafara, Alacant; Bocairent, València). S’hi han realitzat prospeccions superficials, geofísica i sondejos arqueològics assistits amb tecnologies geoespacials, a més de la inserció del lloc en el seu entorn territorial mitjançant els SIG. Els resultats mostren una àmplia seqüència d’ocupació, datada entre els segles IX i I aC, d’un important centre fortificat que controla un pas estratègic per a les comunicacions comarcals. Durant el període Ibèric tardà, en els segles II-I, presenta una intensa reestructuració de l’habitatge i les fortificacions que acabarà amb una violenta destrucció en el primer terç del s. I aC.
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A cidade de Porto Seguro que se localiza no Brasil, no sul da Bahia, apresenta potencial de grande atração turística. O turismo em Porto Seguro é marcado por contradições que potencializam desigualdades e violências, associadas ao tráfico de drogas. Tal paradoxo eleva Porto Seguro a décima posição entre as cidades mais violentas do Brasil, situação de vulnerabilidade social, negação de direitos humanos e efetivação de um turismo predatório. O trabalho compreende pontualmente os dois lados desta situação, o primeiro apresenta a fetichização de Porto Seguro como um lugar idílico, o outro lado apresenta os elevados índices de criminalidade ligada ao tráfico de drogas. A metodologia deste estudo utilizou o cruzamento de dados estatísticos oficiais e pesquisas de campo. O estudo conclui que há um grande abismo entre a cidade ideal vendida e fetichizada como paraíso turístico reificado por uma mídia mercantil, e a cidade real ignorada por esta mesma mídia, e onde a população vive ao meio de um fogo cruzado que se monta e um diagrama de controles negociados, ilegalismos na expansão do tráfico de drogas e de uma economia ilícita que se inclui na economia turística.
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This dissertation examines novels that use terrorism to allegorize the threatened position of the literary author in contemporary culture. Allegory is a term that has been differently understood over time, but which has consistently been used by writers to articulate and construct their roles as authors. In the novels I look at, the terrorist challenge to authorship results in multiple deployments of allegory, each differently illustrating the way that allegory is used and authorship constructed in the contemporary American novel. Don DeLillo’s Mao II (1991), first puts terrorists and authors in an oppositional pairing. The terrorist’s ability to traffic in spectacle is presented as indicative of the author’s fading importance in contemporary culture and it is one way that terrorism allegorizes threats to authorship. In Philip Roth’s Operation Shylock (1993), the allegorical pairing is between the text of the novel and outside texts – newspaper reports, legal cases, etc. – that the novel references and adapts in order to bolster its own narrative authority. Richard Powers’s Plowing the Dark (1999) pairs the story of an imprisoned hostage, craving a single book, with employees of a tech firm who are creating interactive, virtual reality artworks. Focusing on the reader’s experience, Powers’s novel posits a form of authorship that the reader can take into consideration, but which does not seek to control the experience of the text. Finally, I look at two of Paul Auster’s twenty-first century novels, Travels in the Scriptorium (2007) and Man in the Dark (2008), to suggest that the relationship between representations of authors and terrorists changed after 9/11. Auster’s author-figures forward an ethics of authorship whereby novels can use narrative to buffer readers against the portrayal of violent acts in a culture that is suffused with traumatizing imagery.
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This article describes the process of self-determination and the creation of a territorial autonomy of the Gagauz people in the Republic of Moldova. It also analyses the situation in the autonomy after the change of government in Chisinau in 2009 and evaluates the current status of accommodation of the Gagauz’ interests in the country. Aspects of state-building and the influence of external actors are explored as well. Gagauzia (Gagauz Yeri) is one of the first post-Soviet autonomies. Since its establishment in 1994, no violent conflict has taken place there. However, the Gagauz language and culture remain relatively unprotected, and incentives as well as support for the integration of the Gagauz are low. The article outlines the potential for future disputes between the central government and local authorities, due to continuous attempts to limit Gagauzia’s self-governance and conflicting interpretations of how the autonomy should work. Furthermore, struggles between Gagauz political leaders and other local realities hamper the successful realization of Gagauz Yeri. With respect to Moldova’s efforts to resolve the Transnistrian conflict and to integrate with the European Union, compromises and cooperation through an ongoing dialogue between the centre and autonomy are clearly due. Resolving the remaining stumbling blocks could make Gagauzia a living, rather than symbolic autonomy.
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Trabalho Final do Curso de Mestrado Integrado em Medicina, Faculdade de Medicina, Universidade de Lisboa, 2014
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While there are currently very few lone actor terrorists among modern anarchists and within the contemporary extreme left, the present lack of extreme left wing lone actor terrorists does not signify a lack of interest in violent solutions within this particular milieu. As the author will show, twenty-flrst century anarchism has considerable potential for lone actor terrorism. It would be imprudent to conclude that this once important ideological source of lone actor terrorism will not reappear again.
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Este trabalho pretende dar uma visão historiográfica aprofundada sobre um dos acontecimentos mais dramáticos ocorridos durante a vigência da I Republica Portuguesa: A Revolução de 14 de Maio de 1915. Este movimento foi o mais violento durante os dezasseis anos em que durou a I República. Segundo a imprensa contemporânea, liquidou-se em duzentos mortos e mil feridos. As consequências directas da revolução ditaram o fim do Governo do general Pimenta de Castro (foi a primeira tentativa, antes do golpe Sidonista em 1917, de inverter o domínio do Partido Republicano Português sobre as instituições governamentais). Ao longo deste trabalho, abordamos as origens do movimento revolucionário de 14 de Maio de 1915, dedicando especial atenção ao impacto do Governo do general Pimenta de Castro, apontando as suas principais linhas de força, que promoveu a organização e a execução do movimento durante a madrugada do dia 14 de Maio de 1915. Aborda-se também os factos ocorridos ao longo desse dia e nos dias seguintes em Lisboa, na Margem Sul, no Porto e na Província. Por último, expomos as principais consequências que o movimento teve.
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Against the background of the Boston Marathon bombing as a violent reminder of the lawlessness throughout much of the Northern Caucasus, Michael Emerson calls in this commentary for a fresh direction in the EU’s negotiations with Russia over visa-free travel. While finding that a ‘visa liberalisation’ regime has a very slim prospect of materialising any time soon, on the other hand, he sees realistic possibilities for fast delivery of a ‘virtual visa free regime’ of the multi-year, multi-entry visa, which would be a real and important achievement for EU-Russian relations.
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Cette étude vise à comprendre le phénomène de la violence physique vécue par les éducateurs oeuvrant dans dix Centres Jeunesse (CJ) du Québec. Pour ce faire, un sondage de victimisation a été administré à 586 éducateurs en internat. En premier lieu, la prévalence de cette problématique sera établie. Par la suite, les facteurs individuels et environnementaux prédisposant aux agressions physiques seront identifiés. Des éducateurs sondés, 53,9 % rapportent avoir été victimes de violence physique au cours de la dernière année. Sur le plan individuel, être affecté par les manifestations agressives des clients et la fréquence des violences psychologiques subies augmentent les risques de victimisation physique. Quant au contexte, l’âge de la clientèle et le motif de l’intervention (basé sur la loi justifiant le placement) auprès de l’enfant ou de l’adolescent influencent l’occurrence des actes violents dirigés contre les éducateurs. Nos analyses montrent également que les violences physiques dont sont victimes les éducateurs affectent autant l’individu que l’institution. L’identification de facteurs permettant de prédire les risques de victimisation pourrait notamment servir à orienter les programmes de prévention de la violence dans les CJ, mais aussi à cibler les éducateurs les plus à risque afin de leur fournir un soutien adapté.
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The European Union (EU) has traditionally taken a rather nuanced view of the activities of Hezbollah. Despite historic links to violent activity, Europe always remained reluctant to place the Lebanese militant group on its list of terrorist organisations. Internal divergences among member states, as well as the strategic-realist goals of the EU in both Lebanon and the Middle East more generally meant that such a listing never materialised. This remained the case even in the initial turmoil following the Arab uprisings, when Hezbollah’s relatively moderating objectives were viewed as a force for stability. However, the EU shifted policy in July 2013 by listing the military wing of Hezbollah as a terrorist entity. This paper will investigate the reasons behind this decision, as well as the likely implications and effectiveness of the new policy. Two principal catalysts were behind the decision. The first was a Hezbollah-linked bombing in Bulgaria which provided the focal point around which a consensus of the EU member states could emerge in the Council. Secondly, the escalation both of the Syrian conflict and Hezbollah’s role in it provided a more political and strategic impetus for the decision. This paper maintains that although a change in policy was somewhat necessary, it is questionable whether the artificial separation of Hezbollah’s political and military wings and the symbolic proscription of the latter is the most propitious choice to achieve European objectives.
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Introduction. Iceland’s domestic politics and foreign affairs are undergoing drastic changes. After an economic crash, violent protests on the streets of Reykjavik for the first time in Iceland’s history contributed to the defeat of the government. The party system has been altered. A turn has been taken towards Europe after the United States left the island, first by closing its military base in 2006 and then by its clear stance not to assist the country in its economic difficulties. The former close relations with the superpower are unlikely ever to be restored. The EU membership application is placing severe constraints on political parties which are split on the issue and has put in jeopardy the unity of the first left majority in the Icelandic parliament, the Althingi. Society is in a state of flux after an unprecedented economic downscaling and the collapse of almost its entire financial sector – which had boomed rapidly beginning in the mid-1990s. The credibility of politicians, the parliament and the media is in ruins. Iceland’s smallness and its location on the geographical map – one could also say the geopolitical map – has had a profound influence on its domestic and foreign affairs. Iceland is closely associated with the other Nordic states and has adopted many of their domestic characteristics, with important exceptions. On the other hand, the country has come under American influence – geographically, it straddles the Mid-Atlantic rift – and has limited its participation in the European project. Its geographical location in the middle of the North Atlantic has led to a notion that the country’s culture is unique and should be protected by all available means. Politicians continue to play the ‘nationalistic uniqueness’ card with considerable success even though the country has been swept by globalization. Rapid modernization (which only really began in the Second World War with British and American occupations) and sudden engagement with the outside world (which only extended to the general public in the last quarter of the twentieth century) are still slowly but steadily making their mark on the country’s foreign policy. The country’s political discourse and foreign policy still bear the hallmark of the past, i.e. of a small and insular society This paper will address the political developments in Iceland since the 2008 economic crash and place it in a historical context. The aim is to understand Iceland’s present foreign policy and, in particular, the highly contested decision by its government in 2009 to apply for membership of the European Union. The paper is divided into five sections in addition to this introduction and the concluding remarks. First, it starts by explaining the importance in Iceland of a political discourse based on the concept of independence which dates back to the historical narrative of the settlement period. This section will also examine Iceland’s close relations with the other Nordic states – despite important differences between it and the others. Second, the paper will analyse the importance of the party system, i.e. the dominance of the centre-right in Icelandic politics, and the changed nature of the system. Third, it examines how Iceland further distinguishes itself from the other Nordic states in many important features. Fourthly, the paper analyses the country’s three main foreign policy priorities in the post-war period, i.e. extensions of the Exclusive Economic Zone, firm defence arrangements with the US and membership of NATO, and the drive for better market access for marine products – including a partial engagement in the European project. Fifthly, the paper examines how the country’s smallness, in terms of its central administrative capacity, has affected its domestic and foreign policy-making. The concluding section summarizes the main findings concerning the political and historical obstacles that the Social Democratic Alliance faces in its hard-fought battle to change the country’s European Policy.