The placebo effect: international patent law and the protection of traditional plant medicine

Une préoccupation essentielle traverse cette thèse: l'indifférence systémique de la Loi internationale sur la propriété intellectuelle a l'égard des savoirs traditionnels autochtones. De manière générale, un écart semble d'ailleurs croissant entre l'importance des accords internationaux sur les questions d'intérêt commercial et ceux de nature sociale. Les savoirs traditionnels autochtones sur les plantes médicinales sont particulièrement désavantagés dans ce système dichotomique puisqu'ils sont non seulement à l'origine d'énormes profits commerciaux mais se trouvent aussi au cœur de multiples croyances propres à ces sociétés. L'Accord sur les aspects des droits de propriété intellectuelle qui touchent au commerce (ADPIC) de l'Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC) a cristallisé le souci de la législation internationale à l'égard d'une protection efficace des intérêts commerciaux. Deux années auparavant, la Convention sur la diversité biologique (CDB) était signée, traduisant une préoccupation à l'égard du développement durable, et elle devenait le premier accord international à tenir compte des savoirs traditionnels autochtones. On considère souvent que ces deux accords permettent l'équilibre du développement commercial et durable, requis par l'économie internationale. Après plus ample examen, on a plutôt l'impression que l'idée d'une CDB défendant, avec succès et efficacité, la nécessité du développement durable et des savoirs traditionnels autochtones contre les pressions opposées de l'ADPIC et de l'OMC est, au mieux, simpliste. La thèse explore également la fonction de la Loi sur les brevets dans la création d’industries, notamment pharmaceutique, et la manière dont ces industries influencent la législation nationale et en particulier internationale. De même, elle traite du rôle que jouent les brevets dans l'affaiblissement et la dépossession des peuples autochtones dotés de savoirs traditionnels sur les plantes médicinales, conduisant à une situation ou ces savoirs sont marginalisés ainsi que leurs détenteurs. La thèse aborde les failles institutionnelles du système juridique international qui permet une telle situation et indique l'urgente nécessité d'examiner attentivement les inégalités économiques et sociales au Nord comme au Sud, et non seulement entre eux. Finalement, la thèse suggère que la législation internationale gagnerait à s'inspirer des diverses traditions juridiques présentes à travers le monde et, dans ce cas particulier, peut être les détenteurs des connaissances traditionnelles concernant les plantes médicinales seront mieux servi par le droit des obligations.

The relevancy and effectiveness of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption

La Convention des Nations Unies contre la corruption, adoptée en 2003, est le premier outil international criminalisant la corruption de façon aussi détaillée. Ce mémoire tente d'évaluer sa portée en analysant les dispositions concernant la prévention, la criminalisation, la coopération internationale et le recouvrement d'avoirs. Il tente d’évaluer la pertinence et l'efficacité de la Convention en illustrant ses défis en matière de conformité, pour ensuite étudier d'autres outils internationaux existants qui lui font compétition. Malgré sa portée élargie, il est débattu que la Convention souffre de lacunes non négligeables qui pourraient restreindre son impact à l'égard de la conduite d'États Membres.

Trois utopies au temps de la Révocation de l'édit de Nantes : la vision de la France selon Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet (1627-1704), Pierre Jurieu (1637-1713) et Pierre Bayle (1647-1706).

En 1685, sous le règne de Louis XIV, au moment où la monarchie française voulut extirper l'altérité protestante en révoquant l'édit de Nantes (1598), trois contemporains, Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet (1627-1704), Pierre Jurieu (1637-1713) et Pierre Bayle (1647-1706) élaborèrent des utopies dans lesquelles ils nous font connaître leur vision d'une France idéale. Ces trois utopies, nous voulons les restituer au cours de ce mémoire de maîtrise et souligner quelles sont leurs propositions respectives en matière de gouvernement et de relations interreligieuses. Nous aborderons leurs positions quant aux conséquences politico-religieuses de la Révocation. Et enfin nous dirons quel est le traitement que ces trois auteurs réservent dans leurs textes à la question de la tolérance étatique.

The Constitutional basis of aboriginal rights

Aboriginal rights are rights held by aboriginal peoples, not by virtue of Crown grant, legislation or treaty, but “by reason of the fact that aboriginal peoples were once independent, self-governing entities in possession of most of the lands now making up Canada.” It is, of course, the presence of aboriginal peoples in North America before the arrival of the Europeans that distinguishes them from other minority groups in Canada, and explains why their rights have special legal status. However, the extent to which those rights had survived European settlement was in considerable doubt until as late as 1973, which was when the Supreme Court of Canada decided the Calder case.2 In that case, six of the seven judges held that the Nishga people of British Columbia possessed aboriginal rights to their lands that had survived European settlement. The actual outcome of the case was inconclusive, because the six judges split evenly on the question whether the rights had been validly extinguished or not. However, the recognition of the rights was significant, and caught the attention of the Government of Canada, which began to negotiate treaties (now called land claims agreements) with First Nations in those parts of the country that were without treaties. That resumed a policy that had been abandoned in the 1920s, when the last numbered treaty was entered into.

Only if “je est un autre” Can I Recognise You: Reflections on Canada’s Process of Constitutional Recognition of the “Preexistence of Distinctive Aborignial Societies”

1er Prix du concours d'initiation à la recherche organisé par le Regroupement Droit et Changements. La Loi sur les Indiens institutionnalise toujours de nombreuses facettes de ce qu’est être « Indien » pour beaucoup d’individus au Canada et un changement de perspective doit être opéré. Cet essai puise dans la pensée du philosophe Theodor Adorno pour réfléchir aux tentatives de reconnaissance juridique par le Canada des individus et sociétés autochtones en vertu de l’article 35 de la Constitution. L’auteur présente la théorie de la dialectique négative d’Adorno de 1966 sur le rapport à l’altérité, à partir de l’analyse de la professeure Drucilla Cornell, afin d’identifier ce que sa pensée prescrit pour établir des rapports non-oppressants entre Autochtones et non-Autochtones et leurs gouvernements aujourd’hui. La dialectique négative est particulièrement appropriée à la tentative de reconnaissance juridique de l’existence des sociétés autochtones par le Canada, du fait de leur statut marginalisé et de leurs revendications à la spécificité. Après avoir établi un tel cadre, l’auteur souligne que des précédentes tentatives de reconnaissances se sont soldées par des échecs en raison des désaccords au niveau des valeurs impliquées et des concepts utilisés auxquels elles ont donné lieu. Le processus de signature des traités numérotés de 1871-1921 est employé comme illustration en raison de son résultat souvent décrit aujourd’hui comme coercitif et injuste en dépit du discours de négociation sur un pied d’égalité l’ayant accompagné. Les critiques contemporaines de la politique en vigueur de mise en œuvre de l’autonomie gouvernementale autochtone par des accords négociés sont également présentées, afin d’illustrer que des désaccords quant à la manière dont l’État canadien entend reconnaître les peuples autochtones persistent à ce jour. L’auteur ajoute que, du point de vue de la dialectique négative, de tels désaccords doivent nécessairement être résolus pour que des rapports moins oppressifs puissent être établis. L’auteur conclut que la dialectique négative impose à la fois de se considérer soi-même (« je est un autre ») et de considérer l’autre comme au-delà des limites de sa propre pensée. La Cour suprême a déjà reconnu que la seule perspective de la common law n’est pas suffisante pour parvenir à une réconciliation des souverainetés des Autochtones et de la Couronne en vertu de la Constitution. Le concept de common law de fiduciaire présente un véhicule juridique intéressant pour une reconfiguration plus profonde par le gouvernement canadien de son rapport avec les peuples autochtones, priorisant processus plutôt que résultats et relations plutôt que certitude. Il doit toutefois être gardé à l’esprit que la reconnaissance de ces peuples par l’État canadien par le prisme de la pensée d’Adorno présente non seulement le défi d’inclure de nouvelles perspectives, mais également de remettre en cause les prémisses fondamentales à partir desquelles on considère la communauté canadienne en général.

The Mobilization against the 2005 treaty establishing a constitution for Europe : a French mobilization for another Europe

Why did a majority of French voters reject the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe in the 2005 referendum? We argue here that the collective mobilization of the left-wing ‘No’ camp made the decisive difference through its formation of ‘Collectifs pour le non’, a coalition which facilitated the public expression of an anti-liberal and pro-European position capable of bringing together the Green and Socialist electorates, along with other parts of the left. Using a comprehensive analysis of the multi-organizational field of protest constituted by the mobilization of the left-wing ‘No’ camp, we show first that the mobilization was a ‘European affair’, in the sense that it developed a pro-European position in the context of struggles against liberal forces. Second, we show that the mobilization was also a ‘French’ affair because it relied on the high valuation of the ‘national’ mode of belonging, through the defence of the French state model.

Constructing a ‘moment of crisis’ and its adequate solution

The rejection of the European Constitution marks an important crystallization point for debate about the European Union (EU) and the integration process. The European Constitution was envisaged as the founding document of a renewed and enlarged European Union and thus it was rather assumed to find wide public support. Its rejection was not anticipated. The negative referenda in France and the Netherlands therefore led to a controversial debate about the more fundamental meaning and the consequences of the rejection both for the immediate state of affairs as well as for the further integration process. The rejection of the Constitution and the controversy about its correct interpretation therefore present an intriguing puzzle for political analysis. Although the treaty rejection was taken up widely in the field of European Studies, the focus of existing analyses has predominantly been on explaining why the current situation occurred. Underlying these approaches is the premise that by establishing the reasons for the rejection it is possible to derive the ‘true’ meaning of the event for the EU integration process. In my paper I rely on an alternative, discourse theoretical approach which aims to overcome the positivist perspective dominating the existing analyses. I argue that the meaning of the event ‘treaty rejection’ is not fixed or inherent to it but discursively constructed. The critical assessment of this concrete meaning-production is of high relevance as the specific meaning attributed to the treaty rejection effectively constrains the scope for supposedly ‘reasonable’ options for action, both in the concrete situation and in the further European integration process more generally. I will argue that the overall framing suggests a fundamental technocratic approach to governance from part of the Commission. Political struggle and public deliberation is no longer foreseen as the concrete solutions to the citizens’ general concerns are designed by supposedly apolitical experts. Through the communicative diffusion and the active implementation of this particular model of governance the Commission shapes the future integration process in a more substantial way than is obvious from its seemingly limited immediate problem-solving orientation of overcoming the ‘constitutional crisis’. As the European Commission is a central actor in the discourse production my analysis focuses on the specific interpretation of the situation put forward by the Commission. In order to work out the Commission’s particular take on the event I conducted a frame analysis (according to Benford/Snow) on a body of key sources produced in the context of coping with the treaty rejection.

The role of the International Criminal Court in preventing atrocity crimes through timely intervention

Documento acerca de la Intervención Humanitaria de la Doctrina ex post facto y Instituciones Judiciales a la noción de responsabilidad de protección y Preventiva del papel de la Corte Penal Internacional. Lección inaugural como Presidente en Derecho Penal Internacional y Procedimiento Penal Internacional en la Universidad de Utrecht , emitida el 18 de octubre 2010

Entre gente “aspra e dura” : advertências de um missionário no Congo e Angola (1713-1723)

A singularidade do relacionamento entre, por um lado, o reino do Kongo e as regiões mbundu vizinhas e, por outro, a acção evangelizadora levada a cabo pelos missionários europeus desde o final do século XV é, hoje, largamente reconhecida. Com pontos de partida diversos e enquadramentos conceptuais por vezes distintos, a generalidade dos autores converge na ideia que, ao longo dos séculos, as cosmologias africanas seleccionaram e reinterpretaram símbolos e rituais cristãos sem que a sua solidez e coerência tenham sido abaladas. Contudo, se existe acordo em relação a essa realidade, o mesmo não pode dizer-se relativamente à identificação da natureza e importância dos factores que intervieram nesse processo. Um desses aspectos remete, segundo alguns autores, para a feição tolerante que a acção missionária teria assumido naquelas paragens, permitindo a compatibilização dos preceitos doutrinais cristãos com as práticas culturais daqueles povos. O texto que se segue procura reflectir sobre esta problemática, sugerindo uma outra abordagem aos relatos e demais registos documentais produzidos pelos missionários. Centra-se, em particular, no exame de um conjunto de regras metodológicas para a acção dos missionários no Kongo e em Angola compiladas por Giuseppe Monari, um missionário capuchinho de Modena que chegou a Luanda no início de 1713. A partir desta análise, procura-se sustentar a tese de que a acção missionária em África não pode ser desligada das representação sobre África e os africanos correntes na Europa e do modo como essas imagens evoluem no contexto da experiência vivencial do missionário na realidade africana. Nessa perspectiva, a evangelização dos africanos é pensada, não sobre uma visão tolerante da realidade cultural africana mas, ao invés, a partir de uma imagem que inferioriza os africanos e reduz a sua existência espiritual a um território de ilusão e aparência, dominado pelas forças volúveis do interesse e da paixão.

The Court of Justice of the European Union as a fundamental rights tribunal: challenges for the effective delivery of fundamental rights in the area of freedom, security and justice. CEPS Paper in Liberty and Security in Europe No. 49, 29 August 2012

This paper reflects on the challenges facing the effective implementation of the new EU fundamental rights architecture that emerged from the Lisbon Treaty. Particular attention is paid to the role of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and its ability to function as a ‘fundamental rights tribunal’. The paper first analyses the praxis of the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg and its long-standing experience in overseeing the practical implementation of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Against this analysis, it then examines the readiness of the CJEU to live up to its consolidated and strengthened mandate on fundamental rights as one of the prime guarantors of the effective implementation of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. We specifically review the role of ‘third-party interventions’ by non-governmental organisations, international and regional human rights actors as well as ‘interim relief measures’ when ensuring effective judicial protection of vulnerable individuals in cases of alleged violations of fundamental human rights. To flesh out our arguments, we rely on examples within the scope of the relatively new and complex domain of EU legislation, the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ), and its immigration, external border and asylum policies. In view of the fundamental rights-sensitive nature of these domains, which often encounter shifts of accountability and responsibility in their practical application, and the Lisbon Treaty’s expansion of the jurisdiction of the CJEU to interpret and review EU AFSJ legislation, this area can be seen as an excellent test case for the analyses at hand. The final section puts forth a set of policy suggestions that can assist the CJEU in the process of adjusting itself to the new fundamental rights context in a post-Lisbon Treaty setting.

Does the Stockholm Programme matter? The struggles over ownership of AFSJ multiannual programming. CEPS Paper in Liberty and Security No. 51/December 2012

Does the 2009 Stockholm Programme matter? This paper addresses the controversies experienced at EU institutional levels as to ‘who’ should have ownership of the contours of the EU’s policy and legislative multiannual programming in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) in a post-Lisbon Treaty landscape. It examines the struggles around the third multiannual programme on the AFSJ, i.e. the Stockholm Programme, and the dilemmas affecting its implementation. The latest affair to emerge relates to the lack of fulfilment by the European Commission of the commitment to provide a mid-term evaluation of the Stockholm Programme’s implementation by mid-2012, as requested by both the Council and the European Parliament. This paper shifts the focus to a broader perspective and raises the following questions: Is the Stockholm Programme actually relevant? What do the discussions behind its implementation tell us about the new institutional dynamics affecting European integration on the AFSJ? Does the EU actually need a new (post- Stockholm) multiannual programme for the period 2015–20? And last, what role should the EP play in legislative and policy programming in order to further strengthen the democratic accountability and legitimacy of the EU’s AFSJ?

Effects of Delta9-tetrahydrocannabivarin on [35S]GTPgammaS binding in mouse brain cerebellum and piriform cortex membranes

BACKGROUND AND PURPOSE: We have recently shown that the phytocannabinoid Delta9-tetrahydrocannabivarin (Delta9-THCV) and the CB1 receptor antagonist AM251 increase inhibitory neurotransmission in mouse cerebellum and also exhibit anticonvulsant activity in a rat piriform cortical (PC) model of epilepsy. Possible mechanisms underlying cannabinoid actions in the CNS include CB1 receptor antagonism (by displacing endocannabinergic tone) or inverse agonism at constitutively active CB1 receptors. Here, we investigate the mode of cannabinoid action in [35S]GTPgammaS binding assays. EXPERIMENTAL APPROACH: Effects of Delta9-THCV and AM251 were tested either alone or against WIN55,212-2-induced increases in [35S]GTPgammaS binding in mouse cerebellar and PC membranes. Effects on non-CB receptor expressing CHO-D2 cell membranes were also investigated. KEY RESULTS :Delta9-THCV and AM251 both acted as potent antagonists of WIN55,212-2-induced increases in [35S]GTPgammaS binding in cerebellar and PC membranes (Delta9-THCV: pA2=7.62 and 7.44 respectively; AM251: pA2=9.93 and 9.88 respectively). At micromolar concentrations, Delta9-THCV or AM251 alone caused significant decreases in [35S]GTPgammaS binding; Delta9-THCV caused larger decreases than AM251. When applied alone in CHO-D2 membranes, Delta9-THCV and AM251 also caused concentration-related decreases in G protein activity. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS: Delta9-THCV and AM251 act as CB1 receptors antagonists in the cerebellum and PC, with AM251 being more potent than Delta9-THCV in both brain regions. Individually, Delta9-THCV or AM251 exhibited similar potency at CB1 receptors in the cerebellum and the PC. At micromolar concentrations, Delta9-THCV and AM251 caused a non-CB receptor-mediated depression of basal [35S]GTPgammaS binding.

A cross-calibration of chlorine isotopic measurements and suitability of seawater as the international reference material

A collection of 24 seawaters from various worldwide locations and differing depth was culled to measure their chlorine isotopic composition (delta(37)Cl). These samples cover all the oceans and large seas: Atlantic, Pacific, Indian and Antarctic oceans, Mediterranean and Red seas. This collection includes nine seawaters from three depth profiles down to 4560 mbsl. The standard deviation (2sigma) of the delta(37)Cl of this collection is +/-0.08 parts per thousand, which is in fact as large as our precision of measurement ( +/- 0.10 parts per thousand). Thus, within error, oceanic waters seem to be an homogeneous reservoir. According to our results, any seawater could be representative of Standard Mean Ocean Chloride (SMOC) and could be used as a reference standard. An extended international cross-calibration over a large range of delta(37)Cl has been completed. For this purpose, geological fluid samples of various chemical compositions and a manufactured CH3Cl gas sample, with delta(37)Cl from about -6 parts per thousand to +6 parts per thousand have been compared. Data were collected by gas source isotope ratio mass spectrometry (IRMS) at the Paris, Reading and Utrecht laboratories and by thermal ionization mass spectrometry (TIMS) at the Leeds laboratory. Comparison of IRMS values over the range -5.3 parts per thousand to +1.4 parts per thousand plots on the Y=X line, showing a very good agreement between the three laboratories. On 11 samples, the trend line between Paris and Reading Universities is: delta(37)Cl(Reading)= (1.007 +/- 0.009)delta(37)Cl(Paris) - (0.040 +/- 0.025), with a correlation coefficient: R-2 = 0.999. TIMS values from Leeds University have been compared to IRMS values from Paris University over the range -3.0 parts per thousand to +6.0 parts per thousand. On six samples, the agreement between these two laboratories, using different techniques is good: delta(37)Cl(Leeds)=(1.052 +/- 0.038)delta(37)Cl(Paris) + (0.058 +/- 0.099), with a correlation coefficient: R-2 = 0.995. The present study completes a previous cross-calibration between the Leeds and Reading laboratories to compare TIMS and IRMS results (Anal. Chem. 72 (2000) 2261). Both studies allow a comparison of IRMS and TIMS techniques between delta(37)Cl values from -4.4 parts per thousand to +6.0 parts per thousand and show a good agreement: delta(37)Cl(TIMS)=(1.039 +/- 0.023)delta(37)Cl(IRMS)+(0.059 +/- 0.056), with a correlation coefficient: R-2 = 0.996. Our study shows that, for fluid samples, if chlorine isotopic compositions are near 0 parts per thousand, their measurements either by IRMS or TIMS will give comparable results within less than +/- 0.10 parts per thousand, while for delta(37)Cl values as far as 10 parts per thousand (either positive or negative) from SMOC, both techniques will agree within less than +/- 0.30 parts per thousand. (C) 2004 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.