976 resultados para Political science|Organizational behavior


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Using detailed historical data for the cities of Glasgow and Edinhurgh, evidence is found in support of the hypothesis that overcrowding is a significant cause of infant mortality. We distinguish between voluntary overcrowding (due to the budgetary choices of poor families) and involuntary overcrowding (due to market failure in the provision of an adequate supply of appropriate housing). We found that, over the fifty year period, 1911-1961, Glasgow's infant mortality rate was significantly higher than that of Edinburgh, despite their close geographical proximity, and that a large part of the difference can he attributed to involuntary overcrowding in the first half of the twentieth century. We argue that this was due to the distinctly different housing policies adopted by the two cities, with important lessons for present day public authorities.

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Phylogenetic relationships among 75 species of Lentibulariaceae, representing the three recognized genera, were assessed by cladistic analysis of DNA sequences from the plastid rps16 intron and the trnL-F region. Sequence data from the two loci were analyzed both separately and in combination. Consensus trees from all analyses are congruent, and parsimony jackknife results demonstrate strong support for relationships both between and within each of the three demonstrably monophyletic genera. The genus Pinguicula is sister to a Genlisea-Utricularia clade, the phylogenetic structure within this clade closely follows Taylor's recent sectional delimitations based on morphology. Three principal clades are shown within Utricularia, with the basal sections Polypoinpholyx and Pleiochasia together forming the sister lineage of the remaining Utricularia species. Of the fundamental morphological specializations, the stoloniferous growth form apparently arose independently within Genlisea and Utricularia three times, and within Utricularia itself, perhaps more than once. The epiphytic habit has evolved independently at least three times, in Pinguicula, in Utricularia section Phyllaria, and within the two sections Orchidioides and Iperua (in the latter as bromeliad tank-epiphytes). The suspended aquatic habit may have evolved independently within sections Utricularia and Vesiculina. Biogeographic optimization on the phylogeny demonstrates patterns commonly associated with the boreotropics hypothesis and limits the spatial origin of Lentibulariaceae to temperate Eurasia or tropical America.

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Peacemaking in Bosnia-Herzegovina is a controversial subject that engaged the political energies of the international community for several years without resolution. While international efforts at peacemaking warrant a critique in their own right, the assumptions that lie behind popular perceptions of peacemaking must also be examined. This article explores the proposition that the promotion of multi-ethnic contact between Bosnian people is at least as important as elections or the reconstruction of political institutions. Indeed, the restoration and development of inter-ethnic relationships, especially at grassroots level, is essential for the establishment of sustainable peace. This article thus focuses on the roles of NGOs (Non-governmental organisations) active at the grassroots level in Bosnia, such as the Centre for Drama Education in Mostar, Project Firefly in Brcko, and the CARE Welcome Project in Sarajevo, which represent a grassroots form of peacemaking that incorporates local knowledge and understandings of the conflict within peace projects.

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The theory and practice of humanitarian intervention in the 1990s has produced a series of seemingly intractable dilemmas. Why do states act in some cases and not others? How are we to evaluate the legitimacy of particular acts? This article introduces a new perspective on these questions informed by a combination of pragmatism and solidarism. It argues that although the search for criteria that may be used to judge the legitimacy and efficacy of humanitarian intervention may be a futile one, it is possible to think about a politics of legitimate humanitarian intervention. Such a politics may be based on three key insights drawn from pragmatism: the dialogic construction of moral knowledge, the fallibility of knowledge, and the priority of democracy over philosophy. The article discusses how such a pragmatic solidarism may be used to interrogate the quest for legitimising criteria and to build a new politics of humanitarian intervention.

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