Index of political instability in Brazil, 1889-2009

This article aims to develop an index of political instability (ins) in Brazil between 1889 and 2009, reflecting a wide-ranging set of multiple phenomena that represent conflicts between the different social groups. By presenting different definitions of what is understood by political instability in the economics literature and by using multiple historical events —coups d’état, civil conflicts, constitutional or unconstitutional overthrow and changes in the composition of 50% of the ministerial cabinet— different indicators are obtained which are then synthesized into a single index using the principal component technique, to obtain an ins for Brazil between 1889 and 2009.

Going through the labyrinth: the political economy of Argentina’s abandonment of the gold standard (1929-1933)

This article is the short but crucial history of four years of transition in a monetary and exchange-rate regime that culminated in 1933 with the final abandonment of the gold standard in Argentina. That process involved decisions made at critical junctures at which the government authorities had little time to deliberate and against which they had no analytical arsenal, no technical certainties and few political convictions. The objective of this study is to analyse those “decisions” at seven milestone moments, from the external shock of 1929 to the submission to Congress of a bill for the creation of the central bank and a currency control regime characterized by multiple exchange rates. The new regime that this reordering of the Argentine economy implied would remain in place, in one form or another, for at least a quarter of a century.

A contribuição do pensamento de Emmanuel Mounier para uma reflexão ético-cristã-personalista da pessoa na contemporaneidade

A presente tese explicita a proposta da filosofia social, política, cristã e ética de Emmanuel Mounier, a partir de sua antropologia filosófica, cujo fundamento é a pessoa concebida não somente em sua pessoalidade, vocação essencial de sua existência, mas, sobretudo, na sua dimensão comunitária, social/ política e transcendental e na compreensão da pessoa como um ser-com-o-outro, chegando-se à idéia de comunidade como a estrutura social que melhor permite ao homem realizar sua natureza relacional. Com esses pressupostos discuto suas principais idéias, articulando éom autores que influenciaram e fundamentaram sua filosófica como Paul Louis Landsberg, Gabriel Marcel, Max Scheler, Paul Ricoeur, indo também ao encontro de Buber no que se referem alguns conceitos discutidos por ele e que guardam grandes aproximações com o pensamento de Mounier. Os elementos essenciais da idéia de Mounier são a existência incorporada e encarnada no mundo, a comunicação, a vocação e a liberdade. Logo, o modelo político que melhor poderia favorecer esse tipo de comunidade é a sua proposta de um projeto personalista, cuja estrutura social, política e econômica tivesse como primazia a pessoa, acima das instituições ou processo político e econômico, a qual está sedimentada no ser comunitário. O caminho para se chegar a esse modelo seria uma revolução permanente, sobretudo, uma revolução espiritual, fruto de uma descentralização social e econômica que reestruturaria toda a sociedade.

O pensamento político em Eurípides / Euripides” political thought

No sempre reconhecido realismo euripidiano se inclui um envolvimento político. É notável o elogio a Atenas, seja a seu passado ilustre, seja a seu papel no mundo grego. Entretanto a guerra a que Atenas se atira e que faz enfraquecer a Grécia é condenada, pois a defesa de Atenas, concretizada na defesa de seu regime político, a democracia, não inclui a defesa do imperialismo ateniense. Assim, acima de Eurípides patriota se ergue o Eurípides humanista, preocupado com as responsabilidades do ser humano, não apenas do cidadão. Eurípides’ acknowledge realism includes a political involvement. The eulogy of Athens is remarkable both regarding her illustrious past and her role in the greek world. The war in which Athens is engaged and which weakens Greece, however, is condemned, for Athens’ defense, made real in the defense of her political regime, democracy, does not include the defense of Athenian imperialism. Thus, Euripides the patriot is excelled by Euripides the humanist, who is more concerned with the responsibilities of the human being, than with those of the citizen’s.

Review of The Other Alberta: Decoding a Political Enigma by Doreen Barrie

Doreen Barrie should have subtitled this book "Advocating a Different Identity" because this is its basic thrust. In Barrie's view, today's wealthy, modern, and expansive Alberta should abandon its historic grievances and hostility towards Ottawa. Instead, it should embrace a new narrative emphasizing "the positive qualities Albertans possess . . . the contributions the province has made to the country . . . and that Albertans share fundamental Canadian values with people in other parts of Canada and are eager to playa larger role on the national stage."

Regionalization and access to healthcare in Brazilian states: historical and political-institutional conditioning factors

This article examines the healthcare regionalization process in the Brazilian states in the period from 2007 to 2010, seeking to identify the conditions that favor or impede this process. Referential analysis of public policies and especially of historical institutionalism was used. Three dimensions sum up the conditioning factors of regionalization: context (historical-structural, political-institutional and conjunctural), directionality (ideology, object, actors, strategies and instruments) and regionalization features (institutionality and governance). The empirical research relied mainly on the analysis of official documents and interviews with key actors in 24 states. Distinct patterns of influence in the states were observed, with regionalization being marked by important gains in institutionality and governance in the period. Nevertheless, inherent difficulties of the contexts prejudice greater advances. There is a pressing need to broaden the territorial focus in government planning and to integrate sectorial policies for medium and long-term regional development in order to empower regionalization and to overcome obstacles to the access to healthcare services in Brazil.

Post-conventional Political Cultures via Processes of Direct Democracy: Theoretical Considerations Based on Jurgen Habermas and Lawrence Kohlberg

In this article, it is proposed to differentiate political cultures in two dimensions. First, inspired by Habermas' distinction of the contents of discourse, a distinction is suggested between moral, ethical-political and pragmatic elements of political culture as well as of an element of culture of balancing interests. Second, inspired by Kohlberg's stage models for the development of the individual moral consciousness and for moral culture, a distinction is similarly suggested between two pre-conventional, two conventional and two post-conventional collective stages of political culture. It can be shown that from a normative point of view, only deliberations made in a post-conventional political culture can produce reasonable or at least fair results. Conceptual considerations indicate processes of direct democracy as the method for promoting post-conventional political cultures. The more liberty that the citizens have to formulate and trigger processes of direct democracy, the more one can expect from them to generate post-conventional political cultures.

Liberalism, Marxism and Democratic Theory Revisited: Proposal of a Joint Index of Political and Economic Democracy

Liberalism and Marxism are two schools of thought which have left deep imprints in sociological, political and economic theory. They are usually perceived as opposite, rival approaches. In the field of democracy there is a seemingly insurmountable rift around the question of political versus economic democracy. Liberals emphasize the former, Marxists the latter. Liberals say that economic democracy is too abstract and fuzzy a concept, therefore one should concentrate on the workings of an objective political democracy. Marxists insist that political democracy without economic democracy is insufficient. The article argues that both propositions are valid and not mutually exclusive. It proposes the creation of an operational, quantifiable index of economic democracy that can be used alongside the already existing indexes of political democracy. By using these two indexes jointly, political and economic democracy can be objectively evaluated. Thus, the requirements of both camps are met and maybe a more dialogical approach to democracy can be reached in the debate between liberals and Marxists. The joint index is used to evaluate the levels of economic and political democracy in the transition countries of Eastern Europe.