Schutzbrief and marriage permit for Bonuit Hayum, granted by Friedrich August, Herzog zu Nassau, Wiesbaden

Schutzbrief and marriage permit for Bonuit Hayum, granted by Friedrich August, Herzog zu Nassau, Wiesbaden, manuscript and seal; includes English translation

Der Orden Pour le Mérite für Wissenschaften und Künste von 1842 bis 1983.

A brochure, listing all members of the order, 1842-1983. A typescript adds members until 1985 and lists Jewish members, 1842-1981.

Der Friedensnobelpreistraeger Carl von Ossietzky.

Seminar paper about the journalist and Nobel Prize recipient Carl von Ossietzky (b. 1889 in Hamburg)

Komplexe von 2,6-Dimethylpyridin-1-oxid mit Lanthanidjodiden

Complexes of 2,6-dimethylpyridine 1-oxide with lanthanide iodides of the formulaeLn(2,6-LTNO)5I3 whereLn=La, Tb and Yb,Ln(2,6-LTNO)4I3 whereLn=Pr and Nd and Er(2,6-LTNO)4.5I3 have been prepared and characterised by chemical analysis, infrared and conductance studies. Infrared and conductance data have been interpreted in terms of dimeric (or polymeric) structures involving bridging amine oxide groups.

Basement membrane and provisional matrix components (collagen type IV, laminins and von Willebrand factor) in rheumatoid arthritis and Sjögren s syndrome

The aim of this study was twofold- Firstly, to determine the composition of the type IV collagen which are the major components of the basement membrane (BM), in the synovial lining of the rheumatoid arthritis (RA) patient and in the BM in the labial salivary gland of the Sjögrens syndrome (SS) patient. Secondly, this thesis aimed to investigate the role of the BM component laminin α4 and laminin α5 in the migration of neutrophils from the blood vessels thorough the synovial lining layer into synovial fluid and the presence of vWF in the microvasculature of labial salivary gland in SS. Our studies showed that certain α chains type IV collagen are low in RA compared to control synovial linings, while laminin α5 exhibited a pattern of low expression regions at the synovial lining interface towards the joint cavity and fluid. Also, high numbers of macrophage-like lining cells containing MMP-9 were found in the lining. MMP-9 was also found in the synovial fluid. Collagen α1/2 (IV) mRNA was found to be present in high amount compared to the other α(IV) chains and also showed intense labelling in immunohistochemical staining in normal and SS patients. In healthy glands α5(IV) and α6(IV) chains were found to be continuous around ducts but discontinuous around acini. The α5(IV) and α6(IV) mRNAs were present in LSG explants and HSG cell line, while in SS these chains seemed to be absent or appear only in patches around the ductal BM and tended to be absent around acini in immunohistochemical staining, indicating that their synthesis and/or degradation seemed to be locally regulated around acinar cells. The provisional matrix component vWF serves as a marker of vascular damage. Microvasculature in SS showed signs of focal damage which in turn might impair arteriolar feeding, capillary transudation and venular drainage of blood. However, capillary density was not decreased but rather increased, perhaps as a result of angiogenesis compensatory to microvascular damage. Microvascular involvement of LSG may contribute to the pathogenesis of this syndrome. This twofold approach allows us to understand the intricate relation between the ECM components and the immunopathological changes that occur during the pathogenesis of these inflammatory rheumatic disease processes. Also notably this study highlights the importance of maintaining a healthy ECM to prevent the progression or possibly allow reversal of the disease to a considerable level. Furthermore, it can be speculated that a healthy BM could quarantine the inflamed region or in case of cancer cells barricade the movement of malignant cells thereby preventing further spread to the surrounding areas. This understanding can be further applied to design appropriate drugs which act specifically to maintain a proper BM/BM like intercellular matrix composition.

Humanitaarisuuden varjossa : Poliittiset tekijät lastensiirroissa Ruotsiin sotiemme aikana ja niiden jälkeen

The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.

Zur Wiedergabe von Helsinkier Toponymen in den deutschen Übersetzungen von drei finnischen Romanen

Tutkielma keskittyy tarkastelemaan, kuinka Helsingin erilaiset paikannimet on välitetty kaunokirjallisuuden saksannoksissa kohdekieliselle lukijalle. Helsingin paikannimiin lukeutuvat tutkielmassa mm. Helsingissä tai pääkau-punkiseudulla sijaitsevien katujen, kaupunginosien, tunnettujen tavaratalojen ja ravintoloiden, julkisten rakennusten ja patsaiden nimet. Tutkimusmateriaalina on kolme suomenkielistä romaania ja niiden saksankieliset käännökset: Joel Haahtelan Perhoskerääjä (Der Schmetterlingssammler), Kari Hotakaisen Juoksuhaudantie (Aus dem Leben eines unglücklichen Mannes) ja Outi Pakkasen Punainen pallotuoli (Der rote Sessel). Yhteistä näille kolmelle kaunokirjalliselle teokselle on, että niiden tapahtumat sijoittuvat Helsinkiin. Tutkimusmateriaalin keskeisenä valintakriteerinä on ollut, että kunkin romaanin on saksantanut eri kääntäjä. Tutkielman tarkoitus on havainnollistaa esimerkein deskriptiivis-kvalitatiivisesti, kuinka kääntäjä voi toimia, kun lähtöteksti sisältää pulmia tuottavia kulttuurisidonnaisia paikannimiä. Tutkielman teoriaosuudessa tarkastellaan paikannimiä kulttuurisidonnaisina käännösongelmina sekä esitellään, millaisia funktioita paikannimillä voi olla kaunokirjallisessa teoksessa. Teoriaosuudessa pohditaan myös aiempien teorioiden avulla, ovatko paikannimet ylipäätään käännettävissä vieraalle kielelle. Lisäksi esitetään käännöstieteellisiä näkemyksiä siitä, kuinka kääntäjän olisi välitettävä kaunokirjallisen lähtötekstin paikannimet kohdekieleen. Helsingin katujen nimeämisperiaatteita esitellään lyhyesti historian ja nykyajan valossa keskittyen tutkielman kannalta relevantteihin nimiin. Tutkimusmateriaalin analyysin yhtenä perustana on Bödekerin ja Freesen (1987) luoma prototypologia, jossa käännösratkaisuja tarkastellaan ensin leksikaalisella tasolla ja sitten lähtö- ja kohdekielen välisenä etäisyytenä. Kujamäki (1998) on omassa tutkimuksessaan kehittänyt tätä prototypologiaa eteenpäin sulauttamalla yhteen nämä molemmat ulottuvuudet. Samalla hän on jakanut käännösstrategiat yksityiskohtaisempiin luokkiin: vieras-sanalaina (Fremdwortübernahme), käännöslaina (Lehnübersetzung), selittävä kääntäminen (erklärendes Übersetzen), analogia (Anwendung einer Analogie in der Zielsprache), hyperonyyminen käännös (hyperonymische Übersetzung), kohyponyyminen käännös (kohyponymische Übersetzung), assosioiva käännös (assoziative Übersetzung), poisto (Auslassung) ja lisäys (Hinzufügung), jotka toimivat tässä tutkielmassa käännösratkaisujen tarkastelun lähtökohtana. Kujamäen (1998) luokituksesta poiketen lisään luokitukseen puolittaisen käännöslainan (Halblehnübersetzung), määrittelen selittävän kääntämisen luokan siten, että siihen sisältyvät sekä eksplikaatio (Explikation) että kiertoilmaus (Umschreibung), ja jätän Kujamäen käyttämän lisäyksen pois. Analyysissä pyritään esittelemään kulloisenkin paikannimen funktio tekstiympäristössään, minkä pohjalta tarkastellaan kääntäjien tekemiä ratkaisuja. Edellä mainitun luokituksen ohella tuon jokaisen käännösratkaisun kohdalla esiin Bödekerin ja Freesen (1987) luokituksen mukaisen luokkayhdistelmän, jota kulloinenkin kääntäjän tekemä valinta edustaa. Lopputuloksena on pääteltävissä, että ensisijaisesti paikannimen funktio tekstissä vaikuttaa siihen, kuinka nimi välitetään käännöksessä kohdekieliselle lukijalle. Lopuksi todetaan vielä, ettei tämän tutkielman perusteella voi antaa suosituksia, kuinka tulisi toimia välitettäessä kaunokirjallisen tekstin paikannimiä kohdekieleen, vaan tarkoitus havainnollistaa, mitä mahdollisuuksia kääntäjällä on, ja jokainen ratkaisu on punnittava kontekstissaan.