Capital cities of federations. On the way to analysing the normative base of their asymmetrical status

Federal Capitals often have special statutes. Compared with member states, they often enjoy a lower degree of self-government and a lesser share in the governing of the federation. Why do actors choose such devices, and how can they be justified in a liberal democracy? Surprisingly, the burgeoning literature on asymmetric federalism (to which our research group has contributed significantly) has overlooked this important feature of a de iure asymmetry, perhaps because political theory up to now has concentrated on cases of multicultural and plurinational federations. However, comparative literature is also rare. This paper is the first step to filling in this gap by comparing some federal capitals. The Federal District model (Washington) is compared to capitals organized as member-states (Berlin and Brussels), and capitals that are cities belonging to a single member state (Ottawa in Ontario). The different features of de iure asymmetry will thereby be highlighted. Some light will be shed on the possible motives, reasons and justifications for the choice of each respective status. The paper opens the door to further research on such status questions by analysing public and parliamentary debates, for example. It paves the way for more thorough research. Sicne the author has been awarded a grant by the Institut d’Estudis Autonòmics, this research will be carried out soon.

When federalism is not enough? Paths to cooperation in Federal democracies

This paper explores an overlooked issue in the literature on federations and federalism: the relationship between federalism and democracy. Starting from the assumption that federalism per se is not enough to guarantee cooperative intergovernmental dynamics between different levels of governments, this article analyzes how democracy reinforces cooperative intergovernmental relations under a federal design. Drawing from empirical evidence of federations in the making – Brazil, India, Malaysia, Mexico, South Africa and Spain – this article shows that in countries where the federal design was built under democratization, namely Brazil, Spain and South Africa, intergovernmental dynamics evolved under an increasingly cooperative mode of interaction.

Educational policy in Spain - a federal illusion?

Education and health policy are two of the public policies, which in Spain have been assigned to the Autonomous Communities (AC). This transfer of powers could be considered a proof for the strong “self-rule” of the AC, which in turn shows that Spain could be classified as a federal state. In the following analysis the authors in some parts disagree with that conclusion, showing that considering the education area Spain is “heavy at the top”. Due to the state’s exclusive power to regulate the basic conditions guaranteeing the equality of all Spanish citizens, the important and final decisions are taken at the center through the framework legislation. The AC play a minor role in the legislation process, they have to adopt the center decisions. De-centralization and extension of the framework legislation are highly connected: The central state reacted with strong framework legislation to the stages of the educational decentralization process. In addition, the concentration of important framing powers within the central state does not make educational reforms more infrequent. However, such reforms are the results of a competition between the parties, and not between the AC or between the AC and the central state

Revealing the dark side of traditional democracies in plurinational societies. The case of Catalonia and the Spanish “Estado de las Autonomías”

In this article, I firstly offer a synthesis of a brief set of analytical elements of the theory of democracy and federalism established in the recent debate which identify a number of flaws in the normative and institutional bases of plurinational democracies. It is necessary to overcome these flaws in order to achieve a true political and constitutional recognition and accommodation of the national pluralism of this kind of liberal democracies (section 1). Secondly, we will focus on the Spanish case of the “Estado de las Autonomías” taking into account the recent reform of the Catalan constitutional law (Estatut d’autonomia 2006) (section 2). A final section makes a number of concluding remarks relating the previously highlighted elements of the theory of democracy and federalism with the analysis of the Catalan case (section 3).

The Nationalism of stateless nations and Europe. The Catalan case

This paper analyzes how the ideas and concepts of Europe have developed in Catalonia, under the conditions of a decentralizing “nation-state” (Spain) on one hand, and the European integration process on the other. It analyzes the programmes, manifestations of political leaders, and political actions of the Catalan political parties, specially the nationalists, from the setting up of the Spanish state of autonomies (1977-1982) until today. The paper tries to show how, in multilevel governance, holistic and enthusiastic visions of an economically and political integrating Europe as a “natural ally” of a Catalan nationalism were partially replaced by more pragmatic and even more critical assessments.

Secession and liberal democracy. The case of the Basque country

The academic debate about the secession of a territory which is part of a liberal democracy state displays an initial contrast. On the one hand, practical secessionist movements usually legitimize their position using nationalist arguments linked to the principle of national self- determination. On the other hand, we find in academia few defenders of a normative principle of national self-determination. Philosophers, political scientists and jurists usually defend the status quo. And even when they do not defend it, most of them tend to leave the question of that question and secession unresolved or confused. Regarding this issue, liberal-democratic theories show a tendency to be “conservative” in relation to the political borders, regardless the historical and empirical processes of creation of current States. Probably, this feature is not far away to the fact that, since its beginning, political liberalism has not been a theory of the nation, but a theory of the state.

Theorizing institutional changes: understanding decentralization and federalization in Brazil, Spain and South Africa

In light of the existing theories about institutional change, this paper seeks to advance a common framework to understand the unfolding of decentralization and federalization in three countries: Brazil, Spain, and South Africa. Although in different continents, these three countries witnessed processes after their respective transitions to democracy that transferred administrative and fiscal authority to their regions (decentralization) and vertically distributed political and institutional capacity (federalization). This paper attempts to explain how institutional changes prompted a shift of power and authority towards regional governments by looking at internal sources of change within the intergovernmental arena in the three countries. This analysis is organized around two propositions: that once countries transit to democracy under all-encompassing constitutions there are high incentives for institutional change, and that under a bargained intergovernmental interaction among political actors subnational political elites are able to advance their interests incrementally. In short, through a common framework this paper will explain the evolving dynamics of intergovernmental dynamics in three countries.

Federalism and democracy. The case of minority nations: a federalist deficit

In this chapter, after pointing out the different logics that lie behind the familiar ideas of democracy and federalism, I have dealt with the case of plurinational federal democracies. Having put forward a double criterion of an empirical nature with which to differentiate between the existence of minority nations within plurinational democracies (section 2), I suggest three theoretical criteria for the political accommodation of these democracies. In the following section, I show the agonistic nature of the normative discussion of the political accommodation of this kind of democracies, which bring monist and pluralist versions of the demos of the polity into conflict (section 3.1), as well as a number of conclusions which are the result of a comparative study of 19 federal and regional democracies using four analytical axes: the uninational/plurinational axis; the unitarianism-federalism axis; the centralisation-decentralisation axis; and the symmetry-asymmetry axis (section 3.2). This analysis reveals shortcomings in the constitutional recognition of national pluralism in federal and regional cases with a large number of federated units/regions with political autonomy; a lower degree of constitutional federalism and a greater asymmetry in the federated entities or regions of plurinational democracies. It also reveals difficulties to establish clear formulas in these democracies in order to encourage a “federalism of trust” based on the participation and protection of national minorities in the shared government of plurinational federations/regional states. Actually, there is a federal deficit in this kind polities according to normative liberal-democratic patterns and to what comparative analysis show. Finally, this chapter advocates the need for a greater normative and institutional refinement in plurinational federal democracies. In order to achieve this, it is necessary to introduce a deeper form of “ethical” pluralism -which displays normative agonistic trends, as well as a more “confederal/asymmetrical” perspective, congruent with the national pluralism of these kind of polities.

Intertwined cultural demands of immigrants and minority nations

Since at least the last two decades of the 20th century, the normative debate on multiculturalism has been one-dimensional. It has deployed arguments related to cultural demands either linked to feminism and sub-cultural identities, immigration or national minorities. Little attention has been given to the relations between these dimensions, and how they effect each other in putting forward demands to the nation-state. The purpose of this article is to analyse the interaction between cultural demands of immigrants and minority nations. The basic objective of this paper is to give an overview of different reflections coming from three basic contributors: J. Carens, W. Kymlicka and R. Bauböck.

Pluralismo religioso, multiculturalidad y democracias liberales

Este WP analiza la regulación del pluralismo religioso en las democracias liberales como uno de los aspectos mas destacados de la creciente multiculturalidad de las democracias actuales. Tras situar el liberalismo político como fenómeno surgido de las guerras de religión europeas de los siglos XVI y XVII (sección 1), se establecen ocho elementos analíticos para el estudio de los fenómenos multiculturales (sección 2) y tres modelos de "integración" política en las democracias de raíz liberal (sección 3).

Three theories of liberalism for the three theories of federalism. A Hegelian turn

This paper links different political liberal theories, considered from the perspective of their moral ontology, with federal democracies. After giving a brief description of these theories, I discuss their relationship with the theoretical and institutional models of federalism. As methodological tools, the paper introduces some Hegel’s political concepts and deals with their potential application to the analysis of federalism, taken into account the case of minorities in multinational democracies. I postulate the need for a moral and institutional refinement of liberal-democratic patterns that is better able to accommodate national pluralism than has so far been achieved by traditional constitutionalism.

Cosmopolitan justice and minority rights: the case of minority nations (or Kant again, but different)

Global Justice has usually been understood to mean institutional and social justice (political and redistributive issues on a global scale). In contrast, issues involving different national and cultural identities, are usually marginal in reflections on global justice. This occurs despite the fact that human rights include political social and cultural rights. This paper links a conception of global justice, moral cosmopolitanism, with plurinational democracies. After giving a brief description of moral cosmopolitanism I go on to analyse notions of cosmopolitanism and patriotism in Kant's work and the political significance that the notion of "unsocial sociability" and the "Ideas of Pure Reason" of Kant's first Critique have for cosmopolitanism. Finally, I analyse the relationship between cosmopolitanism and minority nations based on the preceding sections. I postulate the need for a moral and institutional refinement of democracies and international society that is better able to accommodate national pluralism than has so far been achieved by traditional liberal constitutionalism and cosmopolitanism

La Gestió de residus municipals

Aquest treball consisteix en un anàlisi econòmic de les polítiques públiques de lagestió dels residus municipals a nivell d’ajuntaments de zones semiurbanes. Pretenem,mitjançant l’anàlisi de tres casos concrets, arribar a unes conclusions sobre l’eficàciadels sistemes d’aquests tres pobles.Els pobles triats son representatius dels tres models de recollida selectiva més estesos existents a Catalunya.Primer, pretenem ubicar al lector en el tema per tal que es familiaritzi amb la terminologia i els diferents aspectes legals que aquest tema comporta. Per aquest motiu,el treball comença amb una breu explicació dels conceptes bàsics de la recollidaselectiva avui en dia. La segueix la secció dedicada a la legislació, on es recull unarelació de les normatives vigents que regulen l’actuació pública referent als residus, posant especial atenció a les normatives dedicades als residus municipals.Per acabar, com a part més important del treball, hem elaborat un anàlisi comptable en base als costos i ingressos de cada poble. Hem procurat construir uns indicadors que ens permetessin estandaritzar les dades obtingudes de manera que fossin comparables i n’hem extret unes conclusions.

El Tabac al món : la indústria a nivell local i global, legislació, problemes i reptes de futur

Per què a un fumador del Canadà li costa 10 vegades més diners comprar un paquet de tabac que el que li costa a un fumador de Cuba? Què se n’ha fet dels anuncis de Marlboro als cotxes de l’escuderia automovilística Ferrari? Comés que s’han creat espais reservats per a fumadors en els últims anys? Aquestes i altres preguntes sobre el món del tabac conformen l’objecte del nostre treball d’investigació. El nostre propòsit és intentar donar resposta a qüestions com aquestes, i fer que el lector entengui realment a què es deuen aquests canvis en l’estructura del mercat del tabac. Mostrarem, mitjançant una mirada analítica dels diferents factors, que gran part d’aquests efectes en un producte (com pot ser el cigarret, en el cas que ens ocupa) són extrapolables a altres béns i que es poden explicar des del punt de vista econòmic, examinant les decisions d’agents amagats com ara el govern, i considerant les repercussions dels diferents tipus de polítiques.Com tots sabem, el món actual està conformat per un seguit de relacions entre individus, o millor dit, agents econòmics que interactuen entre ells. Els resultats d’aquestes interaccions determinen el comportament de variables que, ben definides, poden ser estudiades, així com els seus efectes. Nosaltres hem intentat mostrar d’una manera senzilla i a l’abast de tothom fins a quin punt arriben aquestes interrelacions. El que preteníem en tot moment basar-nos en dades objectives obtingudes previ estudi. Es per això que, de la mateixa manera que al acabar el treball el lector serà capaç d’entendre per què varia elpreu del mateix bé al creuar una frontera, queda a càrrec de cadascú determinar si, per exemple, els fumadors són objectes de persecució o de si les mesures paternalistes del govern envers la prohibició de la publicitat estan justificades.

L'Estalvi d'aigua domèstic

Al llarg de la història, els recursos hídrics han estat motiu de controvèrsia entre diferents pobles. L’aigua és un recurs fonamental i limitat; hi ha un gran percentatge de persones que no tenen accés a l’aigua potable i això provoca que l’aigua s’hagi convertit en un bé pràcticament de luxe per a moltes persones.Actualment la demanda d’aigua potable és molt elevada, amb una tendència de creixement, doncs estan proliferant els conreus extensius, camps de golf, les grans urbanitzacions on l’aigua és escassa...Per a solucionar aquestes situacions, els governs haurien de canviar a través de diverses polítiques, aquesta tendència creixent i tant poc sostenible.Recentment hem viscut de primera mà èpoques de sequeres que ens han fet reflexionar a tots d’una manera o altra.Però, què podem fer nosaltres des del nostre àmbit, és a dir, l’àmbit domèstic? En aquest treball es presenten les diverses maneres d’estalviar aigua a les llars, des de sistemes molt senzills, fins a nous aparells electrodomèstics d’alta eficiència. Farem un anàlisis sobre el cost econòmic que suposa implantar aquesta sèrie de mesures.Serà necessari saber quanta aigua es consumeix en algunes llars representatives i com es distribueix entre les diferents necessitats que tenen les famílies (aixetes, wc’s, rentavaixelles,etc), per tal d’estudiar la manera de reduir aquest consum.Per altra banda, cal destacar que plantejarem aquestes mesures tenint en compte la visió econòmica, es buscarà la manera de conciliar l’estalvi econòmic amb l’estalvi d’aigua. La gran pregunta que es vol respondre amb aquest estudi és si surt rendible la utilització de sistemes de reducció de consum, electrodomèstics d’alta eficiència...Així doncs, aquest treball intentarà donar a conèixer incentius cap a l’ús sostenible d’un bé tan imprescindible com és l’aigua potable.