(A)cerca do espaço: a nacionalização da questão agrária pelo MST (1984-2002)

This work has as objective to analyze the social movement called Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra and their relation to land reform from the idea of nation. In the decade of its emergence, 1980, Brazilian nationalism was deeply tied to aspirations for democracy and this consisted of a kind of political language of the period that included not only the MST, but also conservative sectors of Brazilian politics. The MST then develop a way to realize their different social function of the movements that preceded it as the Ligas Camponesas, incorporating the element of the nation as political capital to strengthen their practice. This relationship will be studied from a debate on contemporary Marxism and its key concepts.

Qual é a sua tribo? O uso do TAI online no desvelamento de conhecimentos sociais ocultos

The Implicit Association Test (IAT) has succeeded in accessing mental phenomena hardly exposed through self-report and explicit measures well known in the traditional studies on psychology. Although this measurement technique is among the most consistent in international publications, the few articles in Brazil have not deepened on theoretical issues that underlie the practice. This created a gap between the spread of this measure in the country and the production seen in international laboratories, both at quantitative and qualitative terms. In this context, the online labs implemented in several countries, including Brazil, created unique opportunities to overcome these disparities. Our work sought theoretical and conceptual clarification, contextualized to the historical development of the IAT and its online version, displaying affordably an unprecedented presentation of the virtual tool adapted to the Brazilian public. In a second step, we investigated empirically the data obtained by the Brazilian electronic portal "Countries", analyzing the degree of implicit and explicit nationalism of 2271 Brazilian subjects collected from early 2009 to late 2014. Our goal was to determine whether the data results obtained in a time of major sporting confrontation (FIFA World Cup 2010 and 2014) differ from periods when the tournament did not happen. Analyzes showed differences on the eve of the sporting confrontation, when the increase in the implicit nationalism was clearly superior, even with no effect by self-reports. In an independent analysis of a cultural context, there is an oscillation of explicit nationalism over the years, but not for the implicit action. In addition, it was found in women greater degree of implicit and explicit nationalism than in men, with both sexes presenting their preferences towards Brazil. In an end section, we suggest that nationalism may be a by-product of universal mental mechanisms that evolved to identify of the belonging group categorization, corroborating with the group favoritism. We propose that the intensification of the group preference on the eve of the competition has as its ancestral function strengthen the cohesion of the group in preparation to confrontational situations. We pointed out the need for studies on the differences between the sexes in matters relating to group membership belonging. It was expected largest nationalist attitudes in men reflecting the maintenance of cohesive groups in ancient societies. Thus, it appears a singular importance impart the traditional TAI studies with its online version for future investigations of human behavior in various areas of knowledge.

Qual é a sua tribo? O uso do TAI online no desvelamento de conhecimentos sociais ocultos

The Implicit Association Test (IAT) has succeeded in accessing mental phenomena hardly exposed through self-report and explicit measures well known in the traditional studies on psychology. Although this measurement technique is among the most consistent in international publications, the few articles in Brazil have not deepened on theoretical issues that underlie the practice. This created a gap between the spread of this measure in the country and the production seen in international laboratories, both at quantitative and qualitative terms. In this context, the online labs implemented in several countries, including Brazil, created unique opportunities to overcome these disparities. Our work sought theoretical and conceptual clarification, contextualized to the historical development of the IAT and its online version, displaying affordably an unprecedented presentation of the virtual tool adapted to the Brazilian public. In a second step, we investigated empirically the data obtained by the Brazilian electronic portal "Countries", analyzing the degree of implicit and explicit nationalism of 2271 Brazilian subjects collected from early 2009 to late 2014. Our goal was to determine whether the data results obtained in a time of major sporting confrontation (FIFA World Cup 2010 and 2014) differ from periods when the tournament did not happen. Analyzes showed differences on the eve of the sporting confrontation, when the increase in the implicit nationalism was clearly superior, even with no effect by self-reports. In an independent analysis of a cultural context, there is an oscillation of explicit nationalism over the years, but not for the implicit action. In addition, it was found in women greater degree of implicit and explicit nationalism than in men, with both sexes presenting their preferences towards Brazil. In an end section, we suggest that nationalism may be a by-product of universal mental mechanisms that evolved to identify of the belonging group categorization, corroborating with the group favoritism. We propose that the intensification of the group preference on the eve of the competition has as its ancestral function strengthen the cohesion of the group in preparation to confrontational situations. We pointed out the need for studies on the differences between the sexes in matters relating to group membership belonging. It was expected largest nationalist attitudes in men reflecting the maintenance of cohesive groups in ancient societies. Thus, it appears a singular importance impart the traditional TAI studies with its online version for future investigations of human behavior in various areas of knowledge.

Castles in the air: the life, times and influence of the Reverend Moses Harvey (1820-1901).

The period from 1874 to 1901 was a time of significant transition in the economic and political life of Newfoundland. Twenty years into responsible government and with Confederation on the backburner, the colony’s politicians turned their attention to economic diversification, landward development and carving out the island’s place in the British Empire. The period saw both economic prosperity and retrenchment; the construction of a trans-insular railway; the adoption of policies to foster agriculture, forestry, manufacturing and mining; and diplomatic efforts to resolve France’s outstanding claims on the northwest coast of the island. At the same time, the government made an attempt to intervene directly in its primary industry, the fisheries. It created a Fisheries Commission in 1889 that recommended conservation measures and artificial propagation as ways to restore the health of some of the island’s fish stocks. They also proposed new methods of curing, packaging and marketing Newfoundland’s cod, as well as a complete overhaul of the truck system. A major player in both the public and private debates surrounding all of these subjects was the Reverend Moses Harvey. Along with being minister of the Free Church of Scotland in St. John’s, Harvey was one of Newfoundland’s most active promoters in the late nineteenth century. He served as the media mouthpiece for both Prime Minister William Whiteway and Prime Minister Robert Thorburn; editing the Evening Mercury – the official organ of the Liberal Party and then the Reform Party – from 1882 to 1883 and 1885 until 1890. As well, Harvey wrote regular columns on Newfoundland issues for newspapers in London, New York, Boston, Montreal, Toronto, and Halifax. He also produced numerous books, articles, encyclopedia entries, and travel guides outlining the island’s attractions and its vast economic potential. In short, Harvey made a significant contribution in shaping the way residents and the outside world viewed Newfoundland during this period. This thesis examines late nineteenth-century Newfoundland through the writing of Moses Harvey. The biographical approach offers a fuller, more nuanced account of some of the major historical themes of the period including the politics of progress, opening up the interior, railway construction and attitudes toward the fisheries. It also provides an insider’s prospective on what led to some of the major political decisions, policy positions or compromises taken by the Whiteway and Thorburn governments. Finally, a more detailed review of Harvey’s work exposes the practical and political differences that he had with people like D.W. Prowse and Bishop Michael Howley. While these so-called “boomers” in Newfoundland’s historiography agreed on broad themes, they parted ways over what should be done with the fisheries and how best to channel the colony’s growing sense of nationalism.

Post-liberal Regionalism in South America: The Case of UNASUR

This paper examines the formal features, the political rationale, distinctiveness, potential, and difficulties of post-liberal regionalism, with a particular focus on the case of UNASUR. Through this organization, traditional unionism and aspirations of Latin American regional integration are redefined in a South American geographic and ideational framework. Through this strategy South America became a political and economic construct in order to respond to globalization challenges and to achieve its members’ goals in development, regional autonomy (particularly in regards to the US), international influence and at the same time domestic governance of the involved countries. Nevertheless, the limits of this project’s future are being defined by nationalism, traditional visions of sovereignty and by a regional construction that involve significant institutional limitations, which are product of its intergovernmental logic, internal asymmetries and ambivalent Brazilian leadership

Ethnonationalism and Attitudes Towards Gay and Lesbian Rights in Northern Ireland

Peer reviewed

Ethnonationalism and Attitudes Towards Gay and Lesbian Rights in Northern Ireland

Peer reviewed

The influence of religion and ethnonationalism on public attitudes towards amnesty : Northern Ireland as a case study

Peer reviewed

Mockumentary as postnationalism: national identity in 'A Day Without a Mexican' by Sergio Arau

The turn to neoliberalism in the 1990s proved decisive for Mexico, as the NAFTA project embraced by the Salinas administration entailed a re-definition of national identity, defined since the revolution as mestizo, Catholic and especially as the Other to the United States. And just as cinema was in those days a crucial discourse for this particular construction of the identity, it was in the 1990s equally instrumental to its redefinition, which largely focused on the role of migrants to the US, presented even as supplementary in the Derridean sense. In 1992, as part of these efforts, Sergio Arau directed a mockumentary which in 2004 became a feature film, ‘A Day Without a Mexican’. As would befit more the seriousness of a documentary than the excess and parody of mockumentary, the stated aim in both was to advance a social agenda, arguing the case for immigrant labour and for Mexican presence in the US more generally. The film charts what would happen in California were all Latino immigrants to suddenly disappear, arguing chaos would ensue. Given the link between cinema and modernity and the relevance of cinema for the nation as an alternative public sphere, this chapter looks at the implications of choosing mockumentary, taken by many to be a paradigmatic postmodern and hybrid form, to discuss the hybridisation of national identity in a transnational film, in the present age of globalisation.

Realism and national identity in 'Y Tu Mamá También': an audience perspective

When referring to cinema and its emancipatory potential, realism, like Plato’s pharmakon, has signified both illness and cure, poison and medicine. On the one hand, realism is regarded as the main feature of so-called classical cinema, inherently conservative and thoroughly ideological, its main raison d’être being to reify and make a particular version of the status quo believable and to pass it out as ‘reality’ (Burch, 1990; MacCabe, 1974). On the other, realism has also been interpreted as a quest for truth and social justice, as in the positivist ethos that informs documentary (Zavattini, 1953). Even in the latter sense, however, the extent to which realism has served colonizing ends when used to investigate the ‘truth’ of the Other has also been noted, rendering the form profoundly suspicious (Chow, 2007, p. 150). For realism has been a Western form of representation, one that can be traced back to the invention of perspective in painting and that peaked with the secular worldview brought about by the Enlightenment. And like realism, the nation state too is a product of the Enlightenment, nationalism being, as it were, a secular replacement for the religious - that is enchanted or fantastic - worldview. In this way, realism, cinema and nation are inextricably linked, and equally strained under the current decline of the Enlightenment paradigm. This chapter looks at Y tu Mamá También by Alfonso Cuarón (2001), a highly successful road movie with documentary features, to explore the ways in which realism, cinema and nation interact with each other in the present conditions of ‘globalization’ as experienced in Mexico. The chapter compares and contrasts various interpretations of the role of realism in this film put forward by critics and scholars and other discourses about it circulating in the media with actual ways of audience engagement with it.

Other Than a Citizen: Vernacular Poetics in Postwar America

Few symbols of 1950s-1960s America remain as central to our contemporary conception of Cold War culture as the iconic ranch-style suburban home. While the house took center stage in the Nixon/Khrushchev kitchen debates as a symbol of modern efficiency and capitalist values, its popularity depended largely upon its obvious appropriation of vernacular architecture from the 19th century, those California haciendas and Texas dogtrots that dotted the American west. Contractors like William Levitt modernized the historical common houses, hermetically sealing their porous construction, all while using the ranch-style roots of the dwelling to galvanize a myth of an indigenous American culture. At a moment of intense occupational bureaucracy, political uncertainty and atomized social life, the rancher gave a self-identifying white consumer base reason to believe they could master their own plot in the expansive frontier. Only one example of America’s mid-century love affair with commodified vernacular forms, the ranch-style home represents a broad effort on the part of corporate and governmental interest groups to transform the vernacular into a style that expresses a distinctly homogenous vision of American culture. “Other than a Citizen” begins with an anatomy of that transformation, and then turns to the work of four poets who sought to reclaim the vernacular from that process of standardization and use it to countermand the containment-era strategies of Cold War America.

In four chapters, I trace references to common speech and verbal expressivity in the poetry and poetic theory of Charles Olson, Robert Duncan, LeRoi Jones/Amiri Baraka and Gwendolyn Brooks, against the historical backdrop of the Free-Speech Movement and the rise of mass-culture. When poets frame nonliterary speech within the literary page, they encounter the inability of writing to capture the vital ephemerality of verbal expression. Rather than treat this limitation as an impediment, the writers in my study use the poem to dramatize the fugitivity of speech, emphasizing it as a disruptive counterpoint to the technologies of capture. Where critics such as Houston Baker interpret the vernacular strictly in terms of resistance, I take a cue from the poets and argue that the vernacular, rooted etymologically at the intersection of domestic security and enslaved margin, represents a gestalt form, capable at once of establishing centralized power and sparking minor protest. My argument also expands upon Michael North’s exploration of the influence of minstrelsy and regionalism on the development of modernist literary technique in The Dialect of Modernism. As he focuses on writers from the early 20th century, I account for the next generation, whose America was not a culturally inferior collection of immigrants but an imperial power, replete with economic, political and artistic dominance. Instead of settling for an essentially American idiom, the poets in my study saw in the vernacular not phonetic misspellings, slang terminology and fragmented syntax, but the potential to provoke and thereby frame a more ethical mode of social life, straining against the regimentation of citizenship.

My attention to the vernacular argues for an alignment among writers who have been segregated by the assumption that race and aesthetics are mutually exclusive categories. In reading these writers alongside one another, “Other than a Citizen” shows how the avant-garde concepts of projective poetics and composition by field develop out of an interest in black expressivity. Conversely, I trace black radicalism and its emphasis on sociality back to the communalism practiced at the experimental arts college in Black Mountain, North Carolina, where Olson and Duncan taught. In pressing for this connection, my work reveals the racial politics embedded within the speech-based aesthetics of the postwar era, while foregrounding the aesthetic dimension of militant protest.

Not unlike today, the popular rhetoric of the Cold War insists that to be a citizen involves defending one’s status as a rightful member of an exclusionary nation. To be other than a citizen, as the poets in my study make clear, begins with eschewing the false certainty that accompanies categorical nominalization. In promoting a model of mutually dependent participation, these poets lay the groundwork for an alternative model of civic belonging, where volition and reciprocity replace compliance and self-sufficiency. In reading their lines, we become all the more aware of the cracks that run the length of our load-bearing walls.

Politics and Poetics of the Novel: Using Domesticity to Create the Nation

This thesis examines how the depiction of the family during war reinforces or challenges societal values in three nineteenth-century novels. The primary focus lies in three novels by Sir Walter Scott, Leo Tolstoy, and Harriet Beecher Stowe that represent the perspectives of England, Russia, and the United States, respectively, and their evolving nationalism as the roots of the Napoleonic Wars and the American Civil War became visible. By investigating the interaction between economic classes, it can be concluded that the preservation of the family is inherently dependent on social status in some nations, while in others, it is integral to daily life regardless of class. The backdrop of impending war only serves to heighten national differences, overturn the organization of the family hierarchy, and redefine the idea of the modern household.

The emergence of borders: moral questions mapped out

In this paper, we examine the extent to which the concept of emergence can be applied to questions about the nature and moral justification of territorial borders. Although the term is used with many different senses in philosophy, the concept of “weak emergence” - advocated by, for example, Sawyer (2002, 2005) and Bedau (1997 ) - is especially applicable, since it forces a distinction between prediction and explanation that connects with several issues in the discussion of territory. In particular, we argue, weak emergentism about borders allows us to distinguish between (a) using a theory of territory to say where a border should be drawn, and (b) looking at an existing border and saying whether or not it is justified (Miller, 2012; Nine, 2012; Stilz, 2011). Many authors conflate these two factors, or identify them by claiming that having one without the other is in some sense incoherent. But on our account - given the concept of emergence - one might unproblematically be able to have (b) without (a); at the very least, the distinction between these two issues is much more significant than has often been recognised, and more importantly gives us some reason to prefer “statist” as opposed to “cultural” theories of territorial borders. We conclude with some further reflections on related matters concerning, firstly, the apparent causal powers of borders, and secondly, the different ways in which borders are physically implemented (e.g., land vs. water).