899 resultados para GENOCIDIO – HISTORIA - CAMBOYA - 1975-1979
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This research is set in the context of today’s societies, in which the corporate visual symbology of a business, corporation or institution constitutes an essential way to transmit its corporate image. Traditional discursive procedures can be discovered in the development of these signs. The rhetorical strategies developed by the great classical authors appear in the logo-symbols expressing the corporate values of today’s companies. Thus, rhetoric is emerging once again in the sense it had many centuries ago: A repertory of rules that, paradoxically, standardizes the deviations of language and whose control is synonymous with power. The main objective of this study is to substantiate the rhetorical construction of logos using as a model of analysis the classical process of creating discourse. This involves understanding logos as persuasive discourses addressed to a modern audience. Our findings show that the rhetorical paradigm can be considered as a creative model for the construction of an original logo consistent with a company’s image.
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In this paper, we postulate the direct relationship that exists between waste production and artistic objects; its manufacturing system, consumption, and subsequent waste. What arises in this relationship then, is another character of interest –and that will serve as a reference to compare its modus operandi with the place of artists and the arts–, in this sick world, the Diogenes. The obsessed that lives among the garbage. The absurdity of the conquest of the infinite of the illogical within the logical. The amount clouded and blinded, nothing is enjoyed, nothing is appreciated; the countless abandons its place in the memory –memorable– and there only exists a pathological accumulation, mountains of garbage, desires to hold on to vital faith of the belief of doing Something for themselves. Working just to work and building something that will not last, like a sand castle, accumulation of detritus and dust. A new logic is born, the enjoyment of diseases and emptiness, the destruction of a world without a history. «Artists of the world, abandon! You have nothing to lose but your own professions!» (Kaprow, 2007, p. 37).
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La perspectiva aérea o atmosférica es juzgada por los pintores como parte esencial de la pintura, una vez establecidos los presupuestos geométricos de la representación naturalista mediante la perspectiva lineal. Leonardo da Vinci fue el primer autor en definir la perspectiva aérea o atmosférica, conocidos ya a través de L. B. Alberti los fundamentos geométricos de la perspectiva lineal en el tratado De Pictura (1435). Doscientos años después, tras la influyente publicación del Optics de Newton, contextualizadas bajo el espíritu racionalista del siglo XVIII, el artículo estudia las recomendaciones que desde la ciencia y los científicos (específicamente a través de tres figuras relevantes: Brook Taylor, J. H. Lambert y Gaspard Monge) se dan a los pintores con la pretensión de arbitrar una medición exacta del color, en confrontación con el tradicional empirismo del mundo artístico. Este tema puede considerarse un capítulo de gran interés en la larga historia de la pintura y la representación de los fenómenos atmosféricos, cuyos antecedentes teóricos tienen su inicio en el Débat sur le Coloris de la Académie Française del siglo XVII y sus resultados, conducirán hacia el nacimiento de la moderna Teoría del color, en respuesta a una cuestión tan compleja sobre cómo pintar el aire.
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Women’s contribution to abstract art in the interwar period is a subject that, to date, has received very little attention. In this article we deal with the untold story of the participation of women artists in Abstraction-Création, the foremost international group dedicated to abstract art in the 1930s. Founded in Paris in 1931, the group took on the work of two previous collectives to become a platform for the dissemination and promotion of abstract art and consisted of around a hundred members. Twelve of these were women, whose writings and works were published in the group’s annual magazine, abstraction creátion art non figuratif (1932-1936), and who participated in a number of the group’s exhibitions. Compared to what had occurred in previous groups, the participation of women, although reduced in number, was comparable to that of the male artists and being members of the group had a generally positive impact on the women’s careers. However, all this came at the expense of relinquishing any gender specificity in their work and the public presentation of it, and demonstrates that the normalization of women’s contributions to the avant-garde could only be brought about alongside a questioning of the more dogmatic views of modernity.
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¿Puede un retrato pictórico suscitar un ejercicio de microhistoria? Nuestra investigación tratará de aportar una respuesta positiva a esta cuestión, analizando para ello uno de los pocos retratos del pintor postimpresionista Joaquim Mir Trinxet, fechado en 1926. El protagonista representado no es otro que el suegro del pintor, Antoni Estalella i Trinxet, un insigne personaje de Vilanova y la Geltrú (Barcelona) que vivió entre dos siglos. La obra está ambientada en la tienda de juguetes de la familia, convirtiéndose así en una de las escasas pinturas que han captado el interior de una juguetería en la España anterior a la Guerra Civil. Gracias a los trabajos de archivo realizados, este artículo reúne diversos documentos inéditos que permiten reconstruir no sólo la vida del retratado, que llegó a ser corresponsal de Francisco Pi y Margall, sino también el ambiente social, artístico y comercial de Vilanova, en un período que abarca desde la década de 1870 a la primera mitad del siglo XX, en plena “Edad de Oro” de la industria juguetera. Es esta una propuesta de metodología historiográfica cuyo recorrido comienza en el oficio arcaico de la tonelería para desembocar al fin en los albores del comercio moderno de juguetes.
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Twenty-three patients with end-stage renal failure due to diabetic nephropathy received renal replacement treatment. All patients had insulin-dependent diabetes mellitus. Nineteen transplants were performed in seventeen patients. Two-year graft survival for all transplants was 74% with a two-year patient survival post-transplantation of 81%. Overall two-year patient survival was 73%, compared with 82% in non-diabetic patients receiving renal replacement treatment. In diabetic patients accepted for treatment there was a high incidence of non-renal complications, particularly vascular disease. An aggressive approach to the treatment of vascular disease in these patients may improve overall survival rates.
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Flavell, P., C.A.T. Malone, and S.K.F. Stoddart, (eds.)..( ed.). G. Meloni. 1987," Editrice - Regione dell'Umbria, : Firenze - Perugia.
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Background: Underweight and severe and morbid obesity are associated with highly elevated risks of adverse health outcomes. We estimated trends in mean body-mass index (BMI), which characterises its population distribution, and in the prevalences of a complete set of BMI categories for adults in all countries.
Methods: We analysed, with use of a consistent protocol, population-based studies that had measured height and weight in adults aged 18 years and older. We applied a Bayesian hierarchical model to these data to estimate trends from 1975 to 2014 in mean BMI and in the prevalences of BMI categories (<18·5 kg/m2 [underweight], 18·5 kg/m2 to <20 kg/m2, 20 kg/m2 to <25 kg/m2, 25 kg/m2 to <30 kg/m2, 30 kg/m2 to <35 kg/m2, 35 kg/m2 to <40 kg/m2, ≥40 kg/m2 [morbid obesity]), by sex in 200 countries and territories, organised in 21 regions. We calculated the posterior probability of meeting the target of halting by 2025 the rise in obesity at its 2010 levels, if post-2000 trends continue.
Findings: We used 1698 population-based data sources, with more than 19·2 million adult participants (9·9 million men and 9·3 million women) in 186 of 200 countries for which estimates were made. Global age-standardised mean BMI increased from 21·7 kg/m2 (95% credible interval 21·3–22·1) in 1975 to 24·2 kg/m2 (24·0–24·4) in 2014 in men, and from 22·1 kg/m2 (21·7–22·5) in 1975 to 24·4 kg/m2 (24·2–24·6) in 2014 in women. Regional mean BMIs in 2014 for men ranged from 21·4 kg/m2 in central Africa and south Asia to 29·2 kg/m2 (28·6–29·8) in Polynesia and Micronesia; for women the range was from 21·8 kg/m2 (21·4–22·3) in south Asia to 32·2 kg/m2 (31·5–32·8) in Polynesia and Micronesia. Over these four decades, age-standardised global prevalence of underweight decreased from 13·8% (10·5–17·4) to 8·8% (7·4–10·3) in men and from 14·6% (11·6–17·9) to 9·7% (8·3–11·1) in women. South Asia had the highest prevalence of underweight in 2014, 23·4% (17·8–29·2) in men and 24·0% (18·9–29·3) in women. Age-standardised prevalence of obesity increased from 3·2% (2·4–4·1) in 1975 to 10·8% (9·7–12·0) in 2014 in men, and from 6·4% (5·1–7·8) to 14·9% (13·6–16·1) in women. 2·3% (2·0–2·7) of the world's men and 5·0% (4·4–5·6) of women were severely obese (ie, have BMI ≥35 kg/m2). Globally, prevalence of morbid obesity was 0·64% (0·46–0·86) in men and 1·6% (1·3–1·9) in women.
Interpretation: If post-2000 trends continue, the probability of meeting the global obesity target is virtually zero. Rather, if these trends continue, by 2025, global obesity prevalence will reach 18% in men and surpass 21% in women; severe obesity will surpass 6% in men and 9% in women. Nonetheless, underweight remains prevalent in the world's poorest regions, especially in south Asia.
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The first report of the disease (“pine wilt disease”) associated with the pinewood nematode, goes back to 1905, when Yano reported an unusual decline of pines from Nagasaki. For a long time thereafter, the cause of he disease was sought, but without success. Because of the large number of insect species that were usually seen around and on infected trees, it had always been assumed that the causal agent would prove to be one of these. However, in 1971, Kiyohara and Tokushike found a nematode of the genus Bursaphelenchus in infected trees. The nematode found was multiplied on fungal culture, inoculated into healthy trees and then re-isolated from the resulting wilted trees. The subsequent published reports were impressive: this Bursaphelenchus species could kill fully-grown trees within a few months in the warmer areas of Japan, and could destroy complete forests of susceptible pine species within a few years. Pinus densiflora, P. thunbergii und P. luchuensis were particularly affected. In 1972, Mamiya and Kiyohara described the new species of nematode extracted from the wood of diseased pines; it was a named Bursaphelenchus lignicolus. Since 1975, the species has spread to the north of Japan, with the exception of the most northerly prefectures. In 1977, the loss of wood in the west of the country reached 80%. Probably as a result of unusually high summer temperatures and reduced rainfall in the years 1978 and 1979, the losses were more than 2 million m3 per year. From the beginning, B. lignicolus was always considered by Japanese scientists to be an exotic pest. But where did it come from? That this nematode could also cause damage in the USA became clear in 1979 when B. lignicolus was isolated in great numbers from wood of a 39 year-old pine tree (Pinus nigra) in Missouri which had suddenly died after the colour of its needles changed to a reddish-brown colour (Dropkin und Foudin, 2 1979). In 1981, B. lignicolus was synonymised by Nickle et al. with B. xylophilus which had been found for the first time in the USA as far back as 1929, and reported by Steiner and Buhrer in 1934. It had originally been named Aphelenchoides xylophilus, the wood-inhabiting Aphelenchoides but was recognised by Nickle, in 1970,to belong in the genus Bursaphelenchus. Its common name in the USA was the "pine wood nematode" (PWN. After its detection in Missouri, it became known that B. xylophilus was widespread throughout the USA and Canada. It occurred there on native species of conifers where, as a rule, it did not show the symptoms of pine wilt disease unless susceptible species were stressed eg., by high temperature. This fact was an illuminating piece of evidence that North America could be the homeland of PWN. Dwinell (1993) later reported the presence of B. xylophilus in Mexico. The main vector of the PWN in Japan was shown to be the long-horned beetle Monochamus alternatus, belonging to the family Cerambycidae. This beetle lays its eggs in dead or dying trees where the developing larvae then feed in the cambium layer. It was already known in Japan in the 19th century but in the 1930s, it was said to be present in most areas of Japan, but was generally uncommon. However, with the spread of the pine wilt disease, and the resulting increase of weakened trees that could act as breeding sites for beetles, the populations of Monochamus spp. increased significantly In North America, other Monochamus species transmit PWN, and the main vector is M. carolinensis. In Japan, there are also other, less efficient vectors in the genus Monochamus. Possibly, all Monochamus species that breed in conifers can transmit the PWN. The occasional transmission by less efficient species of Monochamus or by some of the many other beetle genera in the bark or wood is of little significance. In Europe, M. galloprovincialis and M. sutor transmits the closely related species B. mucronatus. Some speculate that these two insect species are “standing by” and waiting for the arrival of B. xylophilus. In 1982, the nematode was detected and China. It was first found in dead pines near the Zhongshan Monument of Nanjing (CHENG et. al. 1983); 265 trees were then killed by pine wilt disease. Despite great efforts at eradication in China, the nematode spread further and pine wilt disease has been 3 reported from parts of the provinces of Jiangsu, Anhui, Guangdong, Shandong, Zhejiang and Hubei (YANG, 2003). In 1986, the spread of the PWN to Taiwan was discovered and in 1989, the nematode was reported to be present in the Republic of Korea where it had first been detected in Pinus thunbergii and P. densiflora. It was though to have been introduced with packing material from Japan. PWN was advancing. In 1984, B. xylophilus was found in wood chips imported into Finland from the USA and Canada, and this was the impetus to establish phytosanitary measures to prevent any possible spread into Europe. Finland prohibited the import of coniferous wood chips from these sources, and the other Nordic countries soon followed suit. EPPO (the European and Mediterranean Plant Protection Organization) made a recommendation to its member countries in 1986 to refuse wood imports from infested countries. With its Directive of 1989 (77/93 EEC), the European Community (later called the European Union or EU) recognised the potential danger of B. xylophilus for European forests and imposed restrictions on imports into the Europe. PWN was placed on the quarantine list of the EU and also of other European countries. Later, in 1991, a dispensation was allowed by the Commission of the EU(92/13 EEC) for coniferous wood from North America provided that certain specified requirements were fulfilled that would prevent introduction.
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Este libro se basa en una investigación de campo entre los indfgenas Sionas y Secoyas del nororiente ecuatoriano en los aflos 1973 a 1975, y mi disertación docoral de 1976. Sin embargo, el presente texto ha sido aumentado con secciones nuevas, muchas correcciones y nuevas identificaciones de plantas y animales. Este libro no es solamente una descripción etnográfica de los Sionas y Secoyas, sino un estudio de su adaptación al medio ambiente de la floresa tropical y los ríos amazónicos. Se presentó información etnogáfica, pero siempre dentro de la estructura teórica de la ecologfa humana. A veces los datos presentados son muy técnicos (p. e., calorfas, tipos de suelos y los nombres cientfficos de la flora y la fauna). Espero que este aspecto no desanime a mis lectores. Los datos cientfficos revelan y documentan el conocimiento intimo elaborado del indígena acerca de la selva, y su adapación compleja a este ambierte.
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O aumento da incidência de traumatismos crânio-encefálicos (TCE) a nível internacional, tem vindo a fomentar o desenvolvimento de estudos neste domínio. O presente estudo pretende determinar a deterioração cognitiva e o estado depressivo em indivíduos com TCE ligeiro e sem TCE; analisar a deterioração cognitiva e o estado depressivo nos indivíduos com TCE ligeiro e sem TCE em relação ao sexo, idade, estado civil, residência e tipo de traumatismo; analisar a relação entre a deterioração cognitiva e o estado depressivo dos indivíduos com TCE e o tipo de traumatismo sofrido. Através de um estudo comparativo, avaliamos uma amostra total de 40 indivíduos, tendo o emparelhamento sido feito entre 2 grupos: grupo clínico: 20 indivíduos com TCE ligeiro (entre 6 e 18 meses após lesão) com idades compreendidas entre os 18 e os 65 anos; grupo de controlo: 20 indivíduos sem ter tido TCE ou patologia conducente a handicap psiquiátrico ou neurológico. A deterioração cognitiva foi avaliada através do Mini Mental State Examination (Folstein et al., 1975-versão portuguesa, adaptada por Guerreiro, 1993) que é um teste constituído por seis grupos que avaliam o defeito cognitivo do sujeito. Também foi utilizada a Bateria de Avaliação Neuropsicológica de Luria- Nebraska / versão experimental portuguesa de Maia, Loureiro e Silva, 2002, traduzida e adaptada de Golden, Hammeke e Purisch, 1979, que é uma bateria que visa avaliar o funcionamento neuropsicológico de indivíduos com manifestações neuropsicológicas. O estado depressivo foi avaliado através do Inventário de Avaliação Clínica da Depressão-IACLIDE (Serra, 1994) que mede a intensidade dos quadros clínicos depressivos, bem como uma ficha de registo individual de dados biográficos e clínicos. Os principais resultados são: Os indivíduos do grupo clínico, ou seja, aqueles que sofreram TCE ligeiro evidenciam maior deterioração cognitiva comparativamente com os que o não sofreram. Aqueles indivíduos também evidenciam estados depressivos significativamente mais graves do que os indivíduos que não sofreram aquele traumatismo. O TCE ligeiro induz um aumento dos sintomas depressivos em termos biológicos, cognitivos, inter-pessoais e desempenho de tarefas e tende a agravar os níveis de depressão endógena e a causar perturbação na relação do indivíduo consigo próprio; O TCE ligeiro conduz a um aumento significativo da incapacidade dos indivíduos para a vida geral, para o trabalho, para a vida social e para a vida familiar; Os indivíduos que sofreram TCE ligeiro evidenciam funções motoras, linguagem expressiva e raciocínio aritmético mais perturbadas que os que o não sofreram; O TCE ligeiro induz alterações neuropsicológicas que diminuem significativamente a capacidade dos mesmos. Os dados obtidos indicam, que os indivíduos que sofreram TCE do sexo feminino evidenciaram alteração cognitiva mais acentuada do que os do sexo masculino; os indivíduos mais velhos que sofreram TCE ligeiro, tendem a evidenciar maior deterioração do estado cognitivo e avaliação neuropsicológica mais baixa; verificamos também que no grupo clínico os indivíduos casados revelaram pior estado neuropsicológico na escala da bateria referente à leitura; os indivíduos que sofreram TCE ligeiro que residiam em aldeias evidenciam níveis mais elevados de depressão do que aqueles que residiam em vilas; por fim, os indivíduos que sofreram traumatismo aberto revelam maiores alterações neuropsicológicas nas funções motoras e visuais, no ritmo e na aritmética comparativamente com os outros.