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Expression of the extracellular matrix (ECM) protein tenascin-C is induced in fibroblasts by growth factors as well as by tensile strain. Mechanical stress can act on gene regulation directly, or indirectly via the paracrine release of soluble factors by the stimulated cells. To distinguish between these possibilities for tenascin-C, we asked whether cyclic tensile strain and soluble factors, respectively, induced its mRNA via related or separate mechanisms. When cyclic strain was applied to chick embryo fibroblasts cultured on silicone membranes, tenascin-C mRNA and protein levels were increased twofold within 6 h compared to the resting control. Medium conditioned by strained cells did not stimulate tenascin-C mRNA in resting cells. Tenascin-C mRNA in resting cells was increased by serum; however, cyclic strain still caused an additional induction. Likewise, the effect of TGF-beta1 or PDGF-BB was additive to that of cyclic strain, whereas IL-4 or H2O2 (a reactive oxygen species, ROS) did not change tenascin-C mRNA levels. Antagonists for distinct mitogen-activated protein kinases (MAPK) inhibited tenascin-C induction by TGF-beta1 and PDGF-BB, but not by cyclic strain. Conversely, a specific inhibitor of Rho-dependent kinase strongly attenuated the response of tenascin-C mRNA to cyclic strain, but had limited effect on induction by growth factors. The data suggest that regulation of tenascin-C in fibroblasts by cyclic strain occurs independently from soluble mediators and MAPK pathways; however, it requires Rho/ROCK signaling.

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The integration of academic and non-academic knowledge is a key concern for researchers who aim at bridging the gap between research and policy. Researchers involved in the sustainability-oriented NCCR North-South programme have made the experience that linking different types of knowledge requires time and effort, and that methodologies are still lacking. One programme component was created at the inception of this transdisciplinary research programme to support exchange between researchers, development practitioners and policymakers. After 8 years of research, the programme is assessing whether research has indeed enabled a continuous communication across and beyond academic boundaries and has effected changes in the public policies of poor countries. In a first review of the data, we selected two case studies explicitly addressing the lives of women. In both cases – one in Pakistan, the other in Nepal – the dialogue between researchers and development practitioners contributed to important policy changes for female migration. In both countries, outmigration has become an increasingly important livelihood strategy. National migration policies are gendered, limiting the international migration of women. In Nepal, women were not allowed to migrate to specific countries such as the Gulf States or Malaysia. This was done in the name of positive discrimination, to protect women from potential exploitation and harassment in domestic work. However, women continued to migrate in many other and often illegal and more risky ways, increasing their vulnerability. In Pakistan, female labour migration was not allowed at all and male migration increased the vulnerability of the families remaining back home. Researchers and development practitioners in Nepal and Pakistan brought women’s shared experience of and exposure to the mechanisms of male domination into the public debate, and addressed the discriminating laws. Now, for the first time in Pakistan, the new draft policy currently under discussion would enable broadly-based female labour migration. What can we learn from the two case studies with regard to ways of relating experience- and research-based knowledge? The paper offers insights into the sequence of interactions between researchers, local people, development practitioners, and policy-makers, which eventually contributed to the formulation of a rights-based migration policy. The reflection aims at exploring the gendered dimension of ways to co-produce and share knowledge for development across boundaries. Above all, it should help researchers to better tighten the links between the spheres of research and policy in future.

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Social work at global levels, and across international and intercultural divides, is probably more important now than ever before in our history. It may be that the very form our ideas about intercultural work take need to be re-examined in the light of recent global changes and uncertainties. In this short position paper I wish to offer some considerations about how we might approach the field of intercultural social work in order to gain new insights about how we practise at both local and global levels. For me, much of the promise of an intercultural social work (and for the purposes of this paper I see aspects of international social work in much the same light) lies in its focus on the way we categorise ourselves, our ideas and experiences in relation to others. The very notion of intercultural or international social work is based on assumptions about boundaries, differences, ways of differentiating and defining sets of experiences. Whether these are deemed "cultural" or "national" is of less importance. Once we are forced to examine these assumptions, about how and why we categorise ourselves in relation to other people in particular ways, the way is opened up for us to be much more critical about the bases of our own, often very deep-seated, thinking. This understanding, about how and why notions of "difference" operate in the way they do, can potentially open our understanding to all the other ways, besides cultural or national labelling, in which we categorise and create differences between ourselves and others. Intercultural social work, taken as a potential site for understanding the creation of difference then, has the potential to help us critically examine the bases of much of our practice in any setting, since most practice involves some kind of categorisation of phenomena.