Reproductive biology of Orechromis niloticus (L.) (Pisces: Cichlidae) in the Nyanza Gulf of Lake Victoria

Fish samples were collected using seine and trawl nets in Nyanza Gulf, Lake Victoria (Kenya) in order to study the reproductive and gonadal patterns of Oreochromis niloticus; samples were collected from June 1998 to February 1999. The variation in relative condition factor and monthly variation in gonad weight showed spawning took place between June and July. Most ripe fish were recovered between November and February, while a slight drop in GSI for males was noted between November and January. External factors triggering reproductive strategy are now being addressed

Managing Nile perch using slot size: is it possible?

The fishery of Lake Victoria became a major commercial fishery with the introduction of Nile perch in 1950s and 1960s. Biological and population characteristics point to a fishery under intense fishing pressure attributed to increased capacity and use of illegal fishing gears. Studies conducted between 1998 to 2000 suggested capture of fish between slot size of 50 to 85 cm TL to sustain the fishery. Samples from Kenya and Uganda factories in 2008 showed that 50% and 71% of individuals processed were below the slot size respectively. This study revealed that fish below and above the slot has continued being caught and processed. This confirms that the slot size is hardly adhered to by both the fishers and the processors. The paper explores why the slot size has not been a successful tool in management of Nile perch and suggests strategies to sustain the fishery

Awakening a sleeping giant: The riddle of Latino political participation

For some time now, the Latino voice has been gradually gaining strength in American politics, particularly in such states as California, Florida, Illinois, New York, and Texas, where large numbers of Latino immigrants have settled and large numbers of electoral votes are at stake. Yet the issues public officials in these states espouse and the laws they enact often do not coincide with the interests and preferences of Latinos. The fact that Latinos in California and elsewhere have not been able to influence the political agenda in a way that is commensurate with their numbers may reflect their failure to participate fully in the political process by first registering to vote and then consistently turning out on election day to cast their ballots.

To understand Latino voting behavior, I first examine Latino political participation in California during the ten general elections of the 1980s and 1990s, seeking to understand what percentage of the eligible Latino population registers to vote, with what political party they register, how many registered Latinos to go the polls on election day, and what factors might increase their participation in politics. To ensure that my findings are not unique to California, I also consider Latino voter registration and turnout in Texas for the five general elections of the 1990s and compare these results with my California findings.

I offer a new approach to studying Latino political participation in which I rely on county-level aggregate data, rather than on individual survey data, and employ the ecological inference method of generalized bounds. I calculate and compare Latino and white voting-age populations, registration rates, turnout rates, and party affiliation rates for California's fifty-eight counties. Then, in a secondary grouped logit analysis, I consider the factors that influence these Latino and white registration, turnout, and party affiliation rates.

I find that California Latinos register and turn out at substantially lower rates than do whites and that these rates are more volatile than those of whites. I find that Latino registration is motivated predominantly by age and education, with older and more educated Latinos being more likely to register. Motor voter legislation, which was passed to ease and simplify the registration process, has not encouraged Latino registration . I find that turnout among California's Latino voters is influenced primarily by issues, income, educational attainment, and the size of the Spanish-speaking communities in which they reside. Although language skills may be an obstacle to political participation for an individual, the number of Spanish-speaking households in a community does not encourage or discourage registration but may encourage turnout, suggesting that cultural and linguistic assimilation may not be the entire answer.

With regard to party identification, I find that Democrats can expect a steady Latino political identification rate between 50 and 60 percent, while Republicans attract 20 to 30 percent of Latino registrants. I find that education and income are the dominant factors in determining Latino political party identification, which appears to be no more volatile than that of the larger electorate.

Next, when I consider registration and turnout in Texas, I find that Latino registration rates are nearly equal to those of whites but that Texas Latino turnout rates are volatile and substantially lower than those of whites.

Low turnout rates among Latinos and the volatility of these rates may explain why Latinos in California and Texas have had little influence on the political agenda even though their numbers are large and increasing. Simply put, the voices of Latinos are little heard in the halls of government because they do not turn out consistently to cast their votes on election day.

While these findings suggest that there may not be any short-term or quick fixes to Latino participation, they also suggest that Latinos should be encouraged to participate more fully in the political process and that additional education may be one means of achieving this goal. Candidates should speak more directly to the issues that concern Latinos. Political parties should view Latinos as crossover voters rather than as potential converts. In other words, if Latinos were "a sleeping giant," they may now be a still-drowsy leviathan waiting to be wooed by either party's persuasive political messages and relevant issues.

The Voting Rights Act, Shelby County, and Redistricting: Improving Estimates of Racially Polarized Voting in a Multiple-Election Context

The Supreme Court’s decision in Shelby County has severely limited the power of the Voting Rights Act. I argue that Congressional attempts to pass a new coverage formula are unlikely to gain the necessary Republican support. Instead, I propose a new strategy that takes a “carrot and stick” approach. As the stick, I suggest amending Section 3 to eliminate the need to prove that discrimination was intentional. For the carrot, I envision a competitive grant program similar to the highly successful Race to the Top education grants. I argue that this plan could pass the currently divided Congress.

Without Congressional action, Section 2 is more important than ever before. A successful Section 2 suit requires evidence that voting in the jurisdiction is racially polarized. Accurately and objectively assessing the level of polarization has been and continues to be a challenge for experts. Existing ecological inference methods require estimating polarization levels in individual elections. This is a problem because the Courts want to see a history of polarization across elections.

I propose a new 2-step method to estimate racially polarized voting in a multi-election context. The procedure builds upon the Rosen, Jiang, King, and Tanner (2001) multinomial-Dirichlet model. After obtaining election-specific estimates, I suggest regressing those results on election-specific variables, namely candidate quality, incumbency, and ethnicity of the minority candidate of choice. This allows researchers to estimate the baseline level of support for candidates of choice and test whether the ethnicity of the candidates affected how voters cast their ballots.

Abstention, null and blank votes in the Basque Autonomous Community

The objectives of this essay are twofold. First it reviews the reason for abstaining (or casting a null or blank vote) in elections. It also provides the data of abstention in the elections to the European Parliament. Fewer data are available on blank and null votes. These are provided for some countries. The second objective is to analyze the data of the elections in the Basque Autonomous Community since 1977. The evolution through time is commented. The main features are the low participation in the European elections on the one hand and the importance of the null vote in the 2003-2009 period.

Abstention, null and blank votes in the Basque Autonomous Community

The objectives of this essay are twofold. First it reviews the reason for abstaining (or casting a null or blank vote) in elections. It also provides the data of abstention in the elections to the European Parliament. Fewer data are available on blank and null votes. These are provided for some countries. The second objective is to analyze the data of the elections in the Basque Autonomous Community since 1977. The evolution through time is commented. The main features are the low participation in the European elections on the one hand and the importance of the null vote in the 2003-2009 period.

Essays on Correlated Equilibrium and Voter Turnout

This thesis consists of three essays in the areas of political economy and game theory, unified by their focus on the effects of pre-play communication on equilibrium outcomes.

Communication is fundamental to elections. Chapter 2 extends canonical voter turnout models, where citizens, divided into two competing parties, choose between costly voting and abstaining, to include any form of communication, and characterizes the resulting set of Aumann's correlated equilibria. In contrast to previous research, high-turnout equilibria exist in large electorates and uncertain environments. This difference arises because communication can coordinate behavior in such a way that citizens find it incentive compatible to follow their correlated signals to vote more. The equilibria have expected turnout of at least twice the size of the minority for a wide range of positive voting costs.

In Chapter 3 I introduce a new equilibrium concept, called subcorrelated equilibrium, which fills the gap between Nash and correlated equilibrium, extending the latter to multiple mediators. Subcommunication equilibrium similarly extends communication equilibrium for incomplete information games. I explore the properties of these solutions and establish an equivalence between a subset of subcommunication equilibria and Myerson's quasi-principals' equilibria. I characterize an upper bound on expected turnout supported by subcorrelated equilibrium in the turnout game.

Chapter 4, co-authored with Thomas Palfrey, reports a new study of the effect of communication on voter turnout using a laboratory experiment. Before voting occurs, subjects may engage in various kinds of pre-play communication through computers. We study three communication treatments: No Communication, a control; Public Communication, where voters exchange public messages with all other voters, and Party Communication, where messages are exchanged only within one's own party. Our results point to a strong interaction effect between the form of communication and the voting cost. With a low voting cost, party communication increases turnout, while public communication decreases turnout. The data are consistent with correlated equilibrium play. With a high voting cost, public communication increases turnout. With communication, we find essentially no support for the standard Nash equilibrium turnout predictions.

At Your Convenience: Facilitating Voting and Registration

This work proposes answers to methodological and substantive questions related to convenience voting. The first analytical chapter surveys the various research designs that have been proposed within this literature, and concludes that the field benefits from using all in conjunction. The next chapter uses matching to identify the relationship between disability status and political participation, and considers whether any forms of convenience voting mediate in the relationship. The final two analytical chapters examine how online voter registration, one of the most recent policy innovations, affects participation and vote share in American elections. The concluding chapter summarizes the findings presented herein, and briefly discusses the natural extensions of this work.

The Co-management Survey report: an executive summary

Co-management is typically known to be a resource management system that shares managerial responsibility between the state and other stakeholders of a resource. In the case of Lake Victoria, one would expect the state to be represented by the fisheries departments of Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, while stakeholder groups may comprise fishing communities, fish processing factories and municipalities. Taking that into account, the survey's objectives were defined as: (a) To identify the difficulties and impracticalities inherent in implementing state-based regulations via a "top-down" management strategy. (b) To assess the prevalence of community-based institutions that either seek to regulate the fishery or have the potential to be used to regulate it. (c) To identify ways in which community-based regulatory and monitory systems may be established, and how these will fare over time. (d) To identify roles for national Fisheries Departments, industrial fish processors and other stakeholders. (e) To develop well-founded policy suggestions for the establishment of a co-management framework to manage the fisheries of Lake Victoria.

The Bondo Stakeholders' Workshop, February 26th - 27th, 2001

This paper is a review of the workshop held at Bondo in Kenya to assess the role of local stakeholders in the of co-management of Lake Victoria's fisheries within the frame of the LVFRP.

Report of the PRA carried out at Ihale Beach, Tanzania, April 11-14, 2000

Ihale is a large landing site lying approximately 65 km. from Mwanza along the main Mwanza-Musoma highway. Ihale Beach was selected as a potential candidate for the 3-beaches study because of its proximity to Mwanza, and hence suitability for frequent monitoring; and because it is served by a road accessible during the rainy seasons. As with the first training Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) on Kiumba Beach on Kenya's Rusinga Island, the objectives with this PRA were as follows: (a) To identify and understand Ihale's community-based organizations and institutions which have a role in the lake's fishery. (b) To consider the key issues which arise from this study for the involvement of communities and community-based organizations and/or institutions such as those at Ihale Beach, in the co-management of Lake Victoria's fishery.

A dinamicidade lexical em textos de domínio político: ecos das eleições de 2010

Nesta dissertação, pretende-se estudar a dinamicidade lexical em textos de domínio político, veiculados pela imprensa escrita durante o período eleitoral de 2010. Para tal, selecionou-se um corpus adequado à pesquisa, fez-se o levantamento de neologismos lexicais nele ocorrentes e procedeu-se à sua descrição. Neste percurso, buscou-se demonstrar a riqueza e a vitalidade dos mecanismos de expansão lexical nos textos estudados, de modo a evidenciar que o léxico, como sistema dinâmico, configura-se como um dos subníveis linguísticos mais abertos à criatividade, revelando também crenças, valores, costumes e hábitos de uma comunidade linguística. Ademais, objetivou-se mostrar que a linguagem utilizada em contextos políticos, visto estar imersa em um ambiente de tensões e embates constantes, é marcadamente caracterizada pelo incessante nascer de novos signos, os quais, por motivações denominativas e/ou estilísticas, desvelam, não raras vezes, intenções e ideologias dos sujeitos-falantes que os criam. Por fim, elaborou-se um glossário com as novas formações encontradas, que oferece subsídios para a observação sistemática da neologia no âmbito do português brasileiro, além de traçar um perfil parcial das alterações político-culturais por que passamos no correr de 2010

Ghost seats in the Basque Parliament

In elections voters have generally four options: to abstain, to cast a blank vote, to cast a null vote, or to vote for a candidate or party. This last option is a positive expression of support, while the other three options reflect lack of interest, or dissatisfaction with the parties or the political system. However only votes for parties or candidates are taken into account in the apportionment method. In particular the number of seats allocated to parties remains constant even if the number of non votes (i.e. blank votes, null votes or abstention) is very large. This paper proposes to treat the non votes as a party in the apportionment method and to leave empty the corresponding seats. These empty seats are referred to as "ghost seats". How this would affect the decision-making is quantified in terms of power indices. We apply this proposal to a case study:the regional Parliament of the Basque Autonomous Community (Spain) from 1980 till 2012.

Sistema partidário, representação e eleições presidenciais: uma análise sobre evangélicos e política no Brasil

Nesta dissertação abordamos a relação entre o protestantismo e a política no Brasil levando em conta, o contexto histórico-político da formação do sistema partidário brasileiro, a representação evangélica na política e o comportamento eleitoral evangélico no que se refere às eleições para presidente. Argumentamos que tal fenômeno se explica por algumas especificidades relativas ao sistema político partidário e eleitoral brasileiro, para além de peculiaridades que concernem ao campo religioso evangélico, tais quais o seu crescimento demográfico ou o posicionamento de suas lideranças, sobretudo se colocado o caso brasileiro em perspectiva comparada, conforme o investimos em relação ao rígido modelo chileno de representação política. Por conseguinte, abordamos o comportamento do eleitorado evangélico durante as últimas eleições presidenciais, a fim de compreendermos os efeitos do sistema partidário sobre estas escolhas, bem como os fatores passíveis de destacar esta parcela do eleitorado do conjunto dos votantes brasileiros, como a identidade evangélica do candidato à presidência ou ainda a presença de temáticas morais religiosas relevantes para este segmento do eleitorado brasileiro.