816 resultados para Brazil - Politics and government


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Cypselosomatidae é composta por Cypselosomatinae e Pseudopomyzinae, incluindo 11 gêneros atuais. O gênero Rhinopomyzella Hennig (Pseudopomyzinae) é o único registrado para o Brasil, representado por duas espécies de Santa Catarina. O gênero Pseudopomyzella Hennig compreende uma única espécie, Pseudopomyzella flava Hennig, encontrada no Peru e Equador. Neste estudo, P. flava é registrada pela primeira vez para o Brasil (Pará) e a espécie é redescrita a partir dos espécimes coletados.

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Scinax species are still underrepresented in cytogenetic studies, mainly with respect to populations from northeastern and northern Brazil. In this study, we provide new chromosomal information on Scinax boesemani, S. camposseabrai, S. garbei, S. pachycrus, S. trilineatus and S. x-signatus, all belonging to clade S. ruber. They were collected at two locations in the Caatinga biome (northeastern Brazil) and at one in the Amazon (northern Brazil) biomes. Chromosomes were analyzed by conventional staining, C-banding, Ag-NOR staining, and fluorochrome staining. All species shared a modal diploid value of 2n = 24 and fundamental arm number (FN) of 48. Moreover, both chromosomal size and morphology were similar to other species in this Scinax clade. C-banding revealed centromeric heterochromatin in all species, along with terminal species-specific C-bands in some species. Active nucleolar organizer regions (Ag-NORs) were identified at 11q in most species, except for S. boesemani and S. garbei (Ag-NORs at interstitial region of 8q). Differing from most anurans, GC-rich regions were not restricted to NORs, but also coincident with some centromeric and terminal C-bands. These data contribute to the cytotaxonomy of Scinax by providing chromosomal markers and demonstrating the occurrence of microstructural rearrangements and inversions on chromosomal evolution of Scinax.

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Este artigo busca entender como a parceria entre as organizações locais (associações, cooperativas, sindicatos dos trabalhadores e outros) e o governo contribui para o desenvolvimento local. O artigo explora em que medida a parceria é uma estratégia efetiva para o desenvolvimento local em áreas historicamente marcadas por conflito entre os governos municipais e as organizações locais que defendem os interesses dos pequenos produtores rurais de base familiar. Particularmente, o artigo se concentra na discussão sobre a parceria como um mecanismo de divisão de poder e empoderamento das pessoas que historicamente têm sido excluídas do processo de desenvolvimento local. Os dados empíricos do artigo foram coletados nos municípios de Ourém e Igarapé-Miri, Nordeste do Pará, Amazônia, Brasil.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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Em ambientes de riacho, fatores relacionados à estrutura dos habitats e limnologia interagem regulando os padrões de transferência de energia e matéria, afetando a composição da comunidade de peixes. Em bacias costeiras do sudeste do Brasil as características limnológicas e estrutura dos habitats diferem entre riachos de águas claras e pretas. Os primeiros são compostos por uma variedade de tipos de substrato, possuem velocidades de corrente mais elevadas e baixa condutividade, enquanto os últimos apresentam substrato arenoso, baixas velocidades de corrente e águas escuras e ácidas. Neste trabalho analisamos a importância relativa da estrutura dos habitats e das variáveis limnológicas como preditores dos padrões de composição em comunidades de peixes de riachos. Oito riachos de primeira a terceira ordem foram amostrados na planície costeira da bacia do rio Itanhaém. Capturamos 34 espécies e verificamos que a composição das comunidades foi influenciada por fatores estruturais e limnológicos, sendo os primeiros mais importantes. Uma fração de variação que não pode ser totalmente decomposta, deve-se à influência conjunta da limnologia e estrutura dos habitats. Algumas das espécies restritas aos riachos de águas pretas provavelmente apresentam adaptações fisiológicas e comportamentais para lidar com os baixos níveis de pH. Quando foram examinados somente os riachos de águas claras, toda a variação explicada na composição da comunidade de peixes foi atribuída aos fatores estruturais, devido a preferências específicas por diferentes características de hábitats.

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In Brazil, the large quantities of solid waste produced are out of step with public policies, technological developments, and government budgets for the division. In small municipalities, the common lack of technological knowledge and financial conditions for suitable waste disposal has resulted in a large number of illegal dumps. Therefore, small sanitary landfill facilities are working with simplified operations focusing on cost reduction and meeting the economic and technological standards of the city without endangering the environment or public health. Currently, this activity is regulated at a federal level although there is some uncertainty regarding the risk of soil and aquifer contamination as theses facilities do not employ liners. Thus, this work evaluates a small landfill to identify changes in soil and groundwater using geotechnical parameters, monitoring wells, and geophysical tests performed by electrical profiling. It is verified that based on current conditions, no contaminants have migrated via underground water aquifers, and overall no significant changes have occurred in the soil. It is concluded that, despite its simplicity, the method investigated is a viable alternative for the final disposal of municipal solid waste from small cities, especially in developing countries.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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In the 1960s occurred great changes in the general education and, specially in the mathematical teaching, throughout Brazil. Besides the Law Diretrizes e Bases for Education (law 4024/1961), such changes also was occurred by opposite educational movements. In one side, those ones that valorized the popular education and culture and, for the other side, the international agreements between universities and government organs, like SUDENE and MEC, with United States Agency for International Development (USAID). These agreements purposed the cultural alignment. In this article we will expose some of these agreements and their interference in two courses for teachers' education. These teachers taught mathematics for the elementary school, in Rio Grande do Norte.

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Introduction: Brazilian northeast region is historically affected by socioeconomic problems that made this region more needful for strategies regarding to psychiatric disorders assistance. Methods: This study includes original analysis based on data of secondary level health assistance, extracted from Brazil's Hospitalar Information System, Basic Assistance Information System and Brazilian Institute of Geographic and Statistics. Results: Between 2008 and 2010, more than two hundred million dollars were spent by Brazilian federal government to achieve better quality in the assistance for mental health in Northeast. The service network responsible for the treatment of mental disorders in primary care involves a wide range of professionals and establishments. Conclusion: In northeastern Brazil, socioeconomic and geographic conditions contribute to a particular state of vulnerability for the development of psychopathologies. The association of primary care and an integrated network of public health, however, have improved the attention to mental disordersin this region.

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Abstract Background Large inequalities of mortality by most cancers in general, by mouth and pharynx cancer in particular, have been associated to behaviour and geopolitical factors. The assessment of socioeconomic covariates of cancer mortality may be relevant to a full comprehension of distal determinants of the disease, and to appraise opportune interventions. The objective of this study was to compare socioeconomic inequalities in male mortality by oral and pharyngeal cancer in two major cities of Europe and South America. Methods The official system of information on mortality provided data on deaths in each city; general censuses informed population data. Age-adjusted death rates by oral and pharyngeal cancer for men were independently assessed for neighbourhoods of Barcelona, Spain, and São Paulo, Brazil, from 1995 to 2003. Uniform methodological criteria instructed the comparative assessment of magnitude, trends and spatial distribution of mortality. General linear models assessed ecologic correlations between death rates and socioeconomic indices (unemployment, schooling levels and the human development index) at the inner-city area level. Results obtained for each city were subsequently compared. Results Mortality of men by oral and pharyngeal cancer ranked higher in Barcelona (9.45 yearly deaths per 100,000 male inhabitants) than in Spain and Europe as a whole; rates were on decrease. São Paulo presented a poorer profile, with higher magnitude (11.86) and stationary trend. The appraisal of ecologic correlations indicated an unequal and inequitably distributed burden of disease in both cities, with poorer areas tending to present higher mortality. Barcelona had a larger gradient of mortality than São Paulo, indicating a higher inequality of cancer deaths across its neighbourhoods. Conclusion The quantitative monitoring of inequalities in health may contribute to the formulation of redistributive policies aimed at the concurrent promotion of wellbeing and social justice. The assessment of groups experiencing a higher burden of disease can instruct health services to provide additional resources for expanding preventive actions and facilities aimed at early diagnosis, standardized treatments and rehabilitation.

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Abstract Background Plasmodium vivax merozoite surface protein-1 (MSP-1) is an antigen considered to be one of the leading malaria vaccine candidates. PvMSP-1 is highly immunogenic and evidences suggest that it is target for protective immunity against asexual blood stages of malaria parasites. Thus, this study aims to evaluate the acquired cellular and antibody immune responses against PvMSP-1 in individuals naturally exposed to malaria infections in a malaria-endemic area in the north-eastern Amazon region of Brazil. Methods The study was carried out in Paragominas, Pará State, in the Brazilian Amazon. Blood samples were collected from 35 individuals with uncomplicated malaria. Peripheral blood mononuclear cells were isolated and the cellular proliferation and activation was analysed in presence of 19 kDa fragment of MSP-1 (PvMSP-119) and Plasmodium falciparum PSS1 crude antigen. Antibodies IgE, IgM, IgG and IgG subclass and the levels of TNF, IFN-γ and IL-10 were measured by enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay. Results The prevalence of activated CD4+ was greater than CD8+ T cells, in both ex-vivo and in 96 h culture in presence of PvMSP-119 and PSS1 antigen. A low proliferative response against PvMSP-119 and PSS1 crude antigen after 96 h culture was observed. High plasmatic levels of IFN-γ and IL-10 as well as lower TNF levels were also detected in malaria patients. However, in the 96 h supernatant culture, the dynamics of cytokine responses differed from those depicted on plasma assays; in presence of PvMSP-119 stimulus, higher levels of TNF were noted in supernatant 96 h culture of malaria patient’s cells while low levels of IFN-γ and IL-10 were verified. High frequency of malaria patients presenting antibodies against PvMSP-119 was evidenced, regardless class or IgG subclass.PvMSP-119-induced antibodies were predominantly on non-cytophilic subclasses. Conclusions The results presented here shows that PvMSP-119 was able to induce a high cellular activation, leading to production of TNF and emphasizes the high immunogenicity of PvMSP-119 in naturally exposed individuals and, therefore, its potential as a malaria vaccine candidate.

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In Brazil, the large quantities of solid waste produced are out of step with public policies, technological developments, and government budgets for the division. In small municipalities, the common lack of technological knowledge and financial conditions for suitable waste disposal has resulted in a large number of illegal dumps. Therefore, small sanitary landfill facilities are working with simplified operations focusing on cost reduction and meeting the economic and technological standards of the city without endangering the environment or public health. Currently, this activity is regulated at a federal level although there is some uncertainty regarding the risk of soil and aquifer contamination as theses facilities do not employ liners. Thus, this work evaluates a small landfill to identify changes in soil and groundwater using geotechnical parameters, monitoring wells, and geophysical tests performed by electrical profiling. It is verified that based on current conditions, no contaminants have migrated via underground water aquifers, and overall no significant changes have occurred in the soil. It is concluded that, despite its simplicity, the method investigated is a viable alternative for the final disposal of municipal solid waste from small cities, especially in developing countries.

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There have been almost fifty years since Harry Eckstein' s classic monograph, A Theory of Stable Democracy (Princeton, 1961), where he sketched out the basic tenets of the “congruence theory”, which was to become one of the most important and innovative contributions to understanding democratic rule. His next work, Division and Cohesion in Democracy, (Princeton University Press: 1966) is designed to serve as a plausibility probe for this 'theory' (ftn.) and is a case study of a Northern democratic system, Norway. What is more, this line of his work best exemplifies the contribution Eckstein brought to the methodology of comparative politics through his seminal article, “ “Case Study and Theory in Political Science” ” (in Greenstein and Polsby, eds., Handbook of Political Science, 1975), on the importance of the case study as an approach to empirical theory. This article demonstrates the special utility of “crucial case studies” in testing theory, thereby undermining the accepted wisdom in comparative research that the larger the number of cases the better. Although not along the same lines, but shifting the case study unit of research, I intend to take up here the challenge and build upon an equally unique political system, the Swedish one. Bearing in mind the peculiarities of the Swedish political system, my unit of analysis is going to be further restricted to the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Svenska Arbetare Partiet. However, my research stays within the methodological framework of the case study theory inasmuch as it focuses on a single political system and party. The Swedish SAP endurance in government office and its electoral success throughout half a century (ftn. As of the 1991 election, there were about 56 years - more than half century - of interrupted social democratic "reign" in Sweden.) are undeniably a performance no other Social Democrat party has yet achieved in democratic conditions. Therefore, it is legitimate to inquire about the exceptionality of this unique political power combination. Which were the different components of this dominance power position, which made possible for SAP's governmental office stamina? I will argue here that it was the end-product of a combination of multifarious factors such as a key position in the party system, strong party leadership and organization, a carefully designed strategy regarding class politics and welfare policy. My research is divided into three main parts, the historical incursion, the 'welfare' part and the 'environment' part. The first part is a historical account of the main political events and issues, which are relevant for my case study. Chapter 2 is devoted to the historical events unfolding in the 1920-1960 period: the Saltsjoebaden Agreement, the series of workers' strikes in the 1920s and SAP's inception. It exposes SAP's ascent to power in the mid 1930s and the party's ensuing strategies for winning and keeping political office, that is its economic program and key economic goals. The following chapter - chapter 3 - explores the next period, i.e. the period from 1960s to 1990s and covers the party's troubled political times, its peak and the beginnings of the decline. The 1960s are relevant for SAP's planning of a long term economic strategy - the Rehn Meidner model, a new way of macroeconomic steering, based on the Keynesian model, but adapted to the new economic realities of welfare capitalist societies. The second and third parts of this study develop several hypotheses related to SAP's 'dominant position' (endurance in politics and in office) and test them afterwards. Mainly, the twin issues of economics and environment are raised and their political relevance for the party analyzed. On one hand, globalization and its spillover effects over the Swedish welfare system are important causal factors in explaining the transformative social-economic challenges the party had to put up with. On the other hand, Europeanization and environmental change influenced to a great deal SAP's foreign policy choices and its domestic electoral strategies. The implications of globalization on the Swedish welfare system will make the subject of two chapters - chapters four and five, respectively, whereupon the Europeanization consequences will be treated at length in the third part of this work - chapters six and seven, respectively. Apparently, at first sight, the link between foreign policy and electoral strategy is difficult to prove and uncanny, in the least. However, in the SAP's case there is a bulk of literature and public opinion statistical data able to show that governmental domestic policy and party politics are in a tight dependence to foreign policy decisions and sovereignty issues. Again, these country characteristics and peculiar causal relationships are outlined in the first chapters and explained in the second and third parts. The sixth chapter explores the presupposed relationship between Europeanization and environmental policy, on one hand, and SAP's environmental policy formulation and simultaneous agenda-setting at the international level, on the other hand. This chapter describes Swedish leadership in environmental policy formulation on two simultaneous fronts and across two different time spans. The last chapter, chapter eight - while trying to develop a conclusion, explores the alternative theories plausible in explaining the outlined hypotheses and points out the reasons why these theories do not fit as valid alternative explanation to my systemic corporatism thesis as the main causal factor determining SAP's 'dominant position'. Among the alternative theories, I would consider Traedgaardh L. and Bo Rothstein's historical exceptionalism thesis and the public opinion thesis, which alone are not able to explain the half century social democratic endurance in government in the Swedish case.

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The article addresses the questions, What do children in urban areas do on Saturdays? What types of organizational resources do they have access to? Does this vary by social class? Using diary data on children's activities on Saturdays in the Phoenix-Mesa-Scottsdale metropolitan area, the authors describe the different types of venues (households, businesses, public space, associations, charities, congregations, and government/tribal agencies) that served different types of children. They find that the likelihood of using a charity or business rather than a government or tribal provider increased with family income. Also, the likelihood of using a congregation or a government facility rather than a business, charity, or household increased with being Hispanic. The authors discuss the implications for the urban division of labor on Saturdays and offer research questions that need further investigation.

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Mr. Korosenyi begins by analysing the particular relationship holding between politics and administration in different countries. Within Europe three major patterns have emerged in the 20th century. Firstly there is the politically neutral British Civil Service, secondly the German and French state bureaucracies, which traditionally are supposed to embody the "common good", and thirdly there is the patronage system of the so-called consociate democracies, e.g. Austria. In general Mr. Korosenyi believes that, though politics do not penetrate into the Hungarian administration to the extent they do in Belgium and Austria, nevertheless, there is a stronger fusion than there is in the traditional British pattern. He is particularly interested in this relationship with regard to its effect on democratic institution building and the stabilisation of the new regime in Hungary, now the old "nomenklatura" system has been abolished. The structure of the Hungarian government was a result of the constitutional amendments of 1989 and 1990. Analysing this period, it becomes clear that for all the political actors who initiated and supported the democratic transition to democracy, the underlying assumption was a radical depoliticisation of the administration in order to maintain its stability. The political leadership of the executive is a cabinet government. The government is structured along ministries, each headed by a politician, i.e. the minister, who is a member of the cabinet. The minister's political secretary is not a cabinet member, but he or she is a politician, usually a member of the parliament. The head of the administration of the ministry is the administrative state secretary, who is a civil servant. He or she usually has four deputies, also civil servants. Naturally it is assumed that there should be a clear separation between politicians and civil servants. However in practice, the borders can be blurred, giving rise to a hybrid known as the "political civil servant". Mr. Korosenyi analyses the different faces of these hybrids. They are civil servants for the following reasons. They need special educational qualifications, working experience, a civil service exam etc., they are not allowed to do anything which is incompatible with their impartial role, and they cannot occupy political office nor may they appear in the name of any political party. On the other hand, the accepted political dimension to their function is revealed by the following facts. The state secretary (a civil servant) may participate in cabinet meetings instead of the minister. The state secretary is employed by the minister. A state secretary or any of their deputies can be dismissed at any time by the minister or the prime minister. In practice then, ministers appoint to these senior administrative positions civil servants whose personal and political loyaties are strong. To the second level of political patronage in ministries belong the ministerial cabinet, press office and public relation office. The ministerial cabinet includes the private advisors and members of the personal staff of the minister. The press office and the PR office, if they exist, are not adjusted to the administrative hierarchy of the ministry, but under the direct control of the minister. In the beginning of the 1990s, such offices were exceptions; in the second half of the 90s they are accepted and to be found in most ministries. Mr. Korosenyi's work, a 92-page manuscript of a book in Hungarian, marks the first piece of literature within the field of political science which analyses the structure of the Hungarian government in the 1990s and the relationship between the political leadership and the public administration.