The Early Spörer Minimum – A Period of Extraordinary Climate and Socio-economic Changes in Western and Central Europe

Throughout the last millennium, mankind was affected by prolonged deviations from the climate mean state. While periods like the Maunder Minimum in the 17th century have been assessed in greater detail, earlier cold periods such as the 15th century received much less attention due to the sparse information available. Based on new evidence from different sources ranging from proxy archives to model simulations, it is now possible to provide an end-to-end assessment about the climate state during an exceptionally cold period in the 15th century, the role of internal, unforced climate variability and external forcing in shaping these extreme climatic conditions, and the impacts on and responses of the medieval society in Central Europe. Climate reconstructions from a multitude of natural and human archives indicate that, during winter, the period of the early Spörer Minimum (1431–1440 CE) was the coldest decade in Central Europe in the 15th century. The particularly cold winters and normal but wet summers resulted in a strong seasonal cycle that challenged food production and led to increasing food prices, a subsistence crisis, and a famine in parts of Europe. As a consequence, authorities implemented adaptation measures, such as the installation of grain storage capacities, in order to be prepared for future events. The 15th century is characterised by a grand solar minimum and enhanced volcanic activity, which both imply a reduction of seasonality. Climate model simulations show that periods with cold winters and strong seasonality are associated with internal climate variability rather than external forcing. Accordingly, it is hypothesised that the reconstructed extreme climatic conditions during this decade occurred by chance and in relation to the partly chaotic, internal variability within the climate system.

Spanish ribbed vaults in the 15th and 16th centuries

Proceedings of the First International Congress on Construction History : Madrid, 20th-24th January 2003

Los paisajes del desecho: reactivación de los lugares del deterioro

Actualmente en nuestro planeta producimos 1.300 millones de toneladas de residuos urbanos al año. Si los extendemos sobre la superficie de un cuadrado de lado 100 m (una hectárea) alcanzarían una altura de 146 km. ¿Cuál es el origen de nuestros residuos? ¿A dónde va esta basura? ¿Cómo nos afecta? ¿Tiene alguna utilidad? Se trata de un problema antiguo que, en los últimos tiempos, ha adquirido una nueva dimensión por el tipo y la cantidad de residuos generados. Las primeras preocupaciones de la ciudad por ordenar estos problemas dieron lugar al establecimiento de espacios o lugares específicos para la acumulación de los residuos urbanos: los vertederos. Los desechos hoy se generan más rápidamente que los medios disponibles para reciclarlos o tratarlos. Los vertederos de residuos urbanos son y seguirán siendo, a corto y medio plazo, soluciones válidas por ser un método de gestión relativamente barato, sobre todo en los países en vías de desarrollo. Como consecuencia y necesidad de lo anterior, se plantea demostrar que la recuperación y la transformación de estos vertederos de residuos urbanos (lugares del deterioro), una vez abandonados, es posible y que además pueden dar lugar a nuevos espacios públicos estratégicos de la ciudad contemporánea. Son espacios de oportunidad, vacíos monumentales producto de una reactivación arquitectónica y paisajística realizada a partir de complejos procesos de ingeniería medioambiental. Pero las soluciones aplicadas a los vertederos de residuos urbanos desde mediados del siglo XX se han realizado exclusivamente desde la ingeniería para tratar de resolver cuestiones técnicas, un modelo agotado que ya no puede gestionar la magnitud que este problema ha alcanzado, haciéndose necesaria e inevitable la participación de la arquitectura para abrir nuevas líneas de investigación y de acción. En estos primeros compases del siglo XXI existe una “nueva” preocupación, un “nuevo” interés en los paradigmas de lo ecológico y de la sostenibilidad, también un interés filosófico (que igualmente otorga un nuevo valor al residuo como recurso), que dirigen su mirada hacia un concepto de paisaje abierto y diferente a modelos anteriores más estáticos, recuperando como punto de partida el ideal pintoresco. El landscape urbanism se consolida como una disciplina capaz de dar respuesta a lo natural y artificial simultáneamente, que sustituye a las herramientas tradicionales de la arquitectura para solucionar los problemas de la ciudad contemporánea, incorporando las infraestructuras de gran escala, como un vertedero de residuos urbanos, y los paisajes públicos que generan como el verdadero mecanismo de organización del urbanismo de hoy. No se trata solo de un modelo formal sino, lo que es más importante: de un modelo de procesos. Esta nueva preocupación permite abordar la cuestión del paisaje de manera amplia, sin restricciones, con un alto grado de flexibilidad en las nuevas propuestas que surgen como consecuencia de estos conceptos, si bien los esfuerzos, hasta la fecha, parecen haberse dirigido más hacia el fenómeno de lo estético, quedando todavía por explorar las consecuencias políticas, sociales, económicas y energéticas derivadas de los residuos. También las arquitectónicas. El proyecto del landscape urbanism se ocupa de la superficie horizontal, del plano del suelo. Desde siempre, la preparación de este plano para desarrollar cualquier actividad humana ha sido un gesto fundacional, un gesto propio necesario de toda arquitectura, que además ahora debe considerarlo como un medio o soporte biológicamente activo. En términos contemporáneos, el interés disciplinar radica en la continuidad y en la accesibilidad del suelo, diluyendo los límites; en que funcione a largo plazo, que se anticipe al cambio, a través de la flexibilidad y de la capacidad de negociación, y que sea público. La recuperación de un vertedero de residuos urbanos ofrece todas estas condiciones. Un breve recorrido por la historia revela los primeros ejemplos aislados de recuperación de estos lugares del deterioro, que han pasado por distintas fases en función de la cantidad y el tipo de los desechos producidos, evolucionando gracias a la tecnología y a una nueva mirada sobre el paisaje, hasta desarrollar una verdadera conciencia de lo ecológico (nacimiento de una ideología). El Monte Testaccio en Roma (siglos I-III d.C.) constituye un caso paradigmático y ejemplar de vertedero planificado a priori no solo como lugar en el que depositar los residuos, sino como lugar que será recuperado posteriormente y devuelto a la ciudad en forma de espacio público. Una topografía de desechos generada por acumulación, organizada y planificada durante tres siglos, que nos hace reflexionar sobre los temas de producción, consumo y proyecto arquitectónico. El Monte Testaccio revela una fuente de inspiración, un arquetipo de gestión sostenible de los recursos y del territorio. A través de la experiencia en la recuperación y transformación en espacios públicos de casos contemporáneos, como el antiguo vertedero de Valdemingómez en Madrid o el de El Garraf en Barcelona, se han analizado las técnicas y las soluciones empleadas para establecer nuevas herramientas de proyecto planteadas en clave de futuro, que revelan la importancia de los procesos frente a la forma, en los cuales intervienen muchos factores (tanto naturales como artificiales), entre ellos la vida y el tiempo de la materia viva acumulada. Son lugares para nuevas oportunidades y ejemplos de una nueva relación con la naturaleza. La reactivación de los vertederos de residuos, a través del proyecto, nos propone una nueva topografía construida en el tiempo, el suelo como soporte, como punto de encuentro de la naturaleza y los sistemas tecnológicos de la ciudad que posibilitan nuevos modos de vida y nuevas actividades. Los vertederos de residuos son inmensas topografías naturales surgidas de procesos artificiales, atalayas desde las que divisar un nuevo horizonte, un nuevo mundo, un nuevo futuro donde sea posible lograr la reversibilidad de nuestros actos del deterioro. Pero la voluntad de estas recuperaciones y transformaciones no consiste exclusivamente en su reintegración al paisaje, sino que han servido como muestra de las nuevas actitudes que la sociedad ha de emprender en relación a los temas medio ambientales. ABSTRACT Here on our planet we currently produce 1.3 billion tonnes of urban waste per year. If we were to spread this over a surface of 100m2 (one hectare), it would reach a height of 146km. What is the origin of this waste? Where does our refuse go? How does it affect us? Does it have any uses? We are dealing with an old problem which, in recent times, has taken on a new dimension due to the type of waste and the amount generated. Cities’ first concerns in resolving these problems gave rise to the establishment of areas or specific places for the accumulation of urban waste: landfills. These days, waste is generated more quickly than the available resources can recycle or process it. Urban waste landfills are and will continue to be, in the short and mid-term, valid solutions, given that they constitute a relatively cheap method for waste management, especially in developing countries. Consequently and necessarily, we plan to demonstrate that it is possible to recover and transform these urban waste landfills (areas of deterioration) once they have been abandoned and that they can give rise to new strategic public areas in contemporary cities. They are areas of opportunity, monumental vacancies produced by an architectural reactivation of the landscape, which is achieved using complex processes of environmental engineering. But the solutions applied to urban waste landfills throughout the 20th century have used engineering exclusively in the attempt to resolve the technical aspects. This is a worn-out model which can no longer handle the magnitude which the problem has attained and therefore, there is an inevitable need for the participation of architecture, which can open new lines of research and action. In these first steps into the 21st century, there is a “new” concern, a “new” interest in the paradigms of environmentalism and sustainability. There is also a philosophical interest (which assigns the new value of ‘resource’ to waste) and all is aimed towards the concept of an open landscape, unlike the previous, more static models, and the intention is to recover picturesque ideals as the starting point. Landscape urbanism has been established as a discipline capable of simultaneously responding to the natural and the artificial, replacing the traditional tools of architecture in order to resolve contemporary cities’ problems. It incorporates large scale infrastructures, such as urban waste landfills, and public landscapes which are generated as the true organisational mechanism of modern day urbanism. It is not merely a formal model, it is more important than that: it is a model of processes. This new concern allows us to address the matter of landscape in a broad way, without restrictions, and with a great degree of flexibility in the new proposals which come about as a consequence of these concepts. However, efforts to date seem to have been more directed at aesthetic aspects and we have yet to explore the political, social, economic and energetic consequences derived from waste – nor have we delved into the architectural consequences. The landscape urbanism project is involved with the horizontal surface, the ground plane. Traditionally, the preparation of this plane for the development of any human activity has been a foundational act, a necessary act of all architecture, but now this plane must be considered as a biologically active medium or support. In contemporary terms, the discipline’s interest lies in the continuity and accessibility of the land, diffusing the limits; in long term functionality; in the anticipation of change, via flexibility and the ability to negotiate; and in it being a public space. The recovery of an urban waste landfill offers all of these conditions. A brief look through history reveals the first isolated examples of recovery of these spaces of deterioration. They have gone through various phases based on the quantity and type of waste produced, they have evolved thanks to technology and a new outlook on the landscape, and a real environmental awareness has been developed (the birth of an ideology). Monte Testaccio in Rome (1st to 3rd Century AD) constitutes a paradigmatic and exemplary case of a landfill that was planned a priori not only as a place to deposit waste but also as a place that would be subsequently recovered and given back to the city in the form of a public space. This spoil mound, generated by organised and planned accumulation over three centuries, makes us reflect on the themes of production, consumption and architectural planning. Monte Testaccio reveals a source of inspiration, an archetype of the sustainable management of resources and land. Using our experience of contemporary cases of land recovery and its transformation into public spaces, such as the former Valdemingómez landfill in Madrid or the Garraf in Barcelona, we analysed the techniques and solutions used in order to establish new project tools. These are proposed with an eye on the future, seeing as they reveal the importance of the processes over the form and involve many factors (both natural and artificial), including the life and age of the accumulated living matter. They are places for new opportunities and examples of our new relationship with nature. The reactivation of landfills, via this project, is a proposal for a new topography built within time, using the ground as the support, as the meeting point between nature and the technological systems of the city which make it possible for new ways of life and new activities to come about. Landfills are immense natural topographical areas produced by artificial processes, watchtowers from which to discern a new horizon, a new world, a new future in which it will be possible to reverse our acts of deterioration. But the intention behind these recoveries and transformations does not only hope for landscape reintegration but it also hopes that they will also serve as a sign of the new attitudes that must be adopted by society with regard to environmental matters.

Economic crisis, immigrant women and changing availability of intimate partner violence services: a qualitative study of professionals' perceptions in Spain

Introduction: Since 2008, Spain has been in the throes of an economic crisis. This recession particularly affects the living conditions of vulnerable populations, and has also led to a reversal in social policies and a reduction in resources. In this context, the aim of this study was to explore intimate partner violence (IPV) service providers’ perceptions of the impact of the current economic crisis on these resources in Spain and on their capacity to respond to immigrant women’s needs experiencing IPV. Methods: A qualitative study was performed based on 43 semi-structured in-depth interviews to social workers, psychologists, intercultural mediators, judges, lawyers, police officers and health professionals from different services dealing with IPV (both, public and NGO’s) and cities in Spain (Barcelona, Madrid, Valencia and Alicante) in 2011. Transcripts were imported into qualitative analysis software (Atlas.ti), and analysed using qualitative content analysis. Results: We identified four categories related to the perceived impact of the current economic crisis: a) “Immigrant women have it harder now”, b) “IPV and immigration resources are the first in line for cuts”, c) “ Fewer staff means a less effective service” and d) “Equality and IPV policies are no longer a government priority”. A cross-cutting theme emerged from these categories: immigrant women are triply affected; by IPV, by the crisis, and by structural violence. Conclusion: The professionals interviewed felt that present resources in Spain are insufficient to meet the needs of immigrant women, and that the situation might worsen in the future.

A qualitative exploration of the impact of the economic recession in Spain on working, living and health conditions: reflections based on immigrant workers' experiences

Background: This study aimed to analyse how immigrant workers in Spain experienced changes in their working and employment conditions brought about Spain's economic recession and the impact of these changes on their living conditions and health status. Method: We conducted a grounded theory study. Data were obtained through six focus group discussions with immigrant workers (n = 44) from Colombia, Ecuador and Morocco, and two individual interviews with key informants from Romania living in Spain, selected by theoretical sample. Results: Three categories related to the crisis emerged – previous labour experiences, employment consequences and individual consequences – that show how immigrant workers in Spain (i) understand the change in employment and working conditions conditioned by their experiences in the period prior to the crisis, and (ii) experienced the deterioration in their quality of life and health as consequences of the worsening of employment and working conditions during times of economic recession. Conclusion: The negative impact of the financial crisis on immigrant workers may increase their social vulnerability, potentially leading to the failure of their migratory project and a return to their home countries. Policy makers should take measures to minimize the negative impact of economic crisis on the occupational health of migrant workers in order to strengthen social protection and promote health and well-being.

Effect of economic recession on psychosocial working conditions by workers' nationality

Background: Several publications have documented the effects of economic recessions on health. However, little is known about how economic recessions influence working conditions, especially among vulnerable workers. Objective: To explore the effects of 2008 economic crisis on the prevalence of adverse psychosocial working conditions among Spanish and foreign national workers. Methods: Data come from the 2007 and 2011 Spanish Working Conditions Surveys. Survey year, sociodemographic, and occupational information were independent variables and psychosocial factors exposures were dependent variables. Analyses were stratified by nationality (Spanish versus foreign). Prevalence and adjusted prevalence ratios (aPRs) of psychological job demands, job control, job social support, physical demands and perceived job insecurity were estimated using Poisson regression. Results: The Spanish population had higher risk of psychological and physical job demand (aPR = 1.07, 95% CI = [1.04–1.10] and aPR = 1.05, 95% CI = [1.01–1.09], respectively) in 2011 compared to 2007. Among both Spanish and foreign national workers, greater aPR were found for job loss in 2011 compared to 2007 (aPR = 2.47, 95% CI = [2.34–2.60]; aPR = 2.44, 95% CI = [2.15–2.77], respectively). Conclusion: The 2008 economic crisis was associated with a significant increase in physical demands in Spanish workers and increased job insecurity for both Spanish and foreign workers.

Ukraine and Russia: mutual relations and the conditions that determine them; The Republic of Belarus or the Belarussian Republic? OSW Study 3/2001

Ukraine and Russia: Among all of the countries that border Ukraine, the Russian Federation is its most important partner. Ukraine's relations with Moscow are the key issue of its foreign policy to such an extent that each option of the Ukrainian foreign policy is first and foremost a choice as to the shape of its relations with Russia. This is mainly a consequence of Ukraine's geographic and geopolitical situation, the legacy of many centuries of political, economic and cultural bonds between these two countries, as well as Russia's inevitably dominant position in their mutual relations. Belarus: Belarus has not broken off its bonds with Moscow after the break-up of the Soviet Union. Throughout the whole period of the Belarussian independence we can observe the country's strong political, economic and military dependence on Russia. This dependence allows Russia to control, and even shape, the processes that take place in Belarus in all the areas mentioned.