Parades, Flags, Carnivals and Riots: Public Space, Contestation and Transformation in Northern Ireland

This paper explores one of the defining aspects of politics and identity in Northern Ireland: the control and utilization of public space, particularly urban public space. Ethnopolitical conflict consistently reveals itself through contestation over public space. The role of ritual events is important in the development of political identity and group cohesion. The symbolic landscape will be constructed through displays of identity by dominant groups and their ability to control that landscape by inhibiting displays by other groups. This will reveal itself through frequent contests over rituals and symbols. This paper looks at the role of ritual events in civic spaces in Belfast but particularly asks what role they might play in conflict transformation. The 1998 agreement offered political structures that provided for shared power after 30 years of violent conflict. At the same time, there was an increase in contestation over public space as political groups within the previously marginalized Catholic community demanded recognition within the public sphere and a rebalancing of the public space through changes to the previously dominant Protestant and Unionist expression of identity. The paper concludes by suggesting that in “shared space” a new civic identity that spans the political and ethnic divisions has started to develop in Belfast and that this might evolve despite an increased residential division throughout the urban area.

Negotiating Territoriality and Diversity: Young People’s Encounters in Northern Ireland Divided Communities

Neighborhoods across the globe are becoming increasingly ‘divers’, yet we still find their urban encounters reproduced through negotiating differences that escalates moods of social inequality and spatial imbalances. Research on ethnic division also stresses the spatial aspects of their production as shared urban spaces are mostly signified in the literature as ethnic ‘enclaves’. Territoriality and place attachment, in this sense, has a wide impact on the people’s everyday encounters while experiencing segregation. These historical narratives have produced communities that exhibit high levels of intracommunity relations and localized networking. This article investigates how youngster generations in Northern Ireland perceive, accept and respond to their differences, or perhaps how they act against it, to push the boundaries towards more diversity. In fact, the spatial and temporal encounters that occur among one community and the ‘Other’ signify a sort of negotiations and being more constructive about the future. The argument maintains that territoriality and place attachment has a wide impact on the young people’s everyday experiences. The empirical study shows how individuals and community groups position and identify themselves under the impact of social segregation. Building on social identity theories, I explain how people in Derry have established their own sense of belonging, of who they are, based on their group memberships which eventually became an important source of pride and self-esteem.

State History, Historical Legitimacy and Modern Ethnic Diversity

How much does the antiquity of states, and the sometimes arbitrary nature of colonial boundaries, explain the modern degree of ethnic diversity? It is shown that states with greater historical legitimacy (more continuity between the pre-colonial and post-colonial state) have less ethnic diversity. Historical legitimacy is more strongly correlated with ethnic diversity than are the antiquity of states, genetic diversity or the duration of human settlement. Although historical legitimacy is particularly pertinent to Africa, the correlation also holds outside Africa.

Size Matters: The Effect of the Size of Ethnic Groups on Development

The share of ethnic groups is one of the most important features of African politics. It affects civil wars, representation in government positions, distributive and allocative policies. In this paper we use the partition of ethnic groups as a natural experiment in order to estimate the effect of the share of these ethnic groups on development. We show that larger groups have an advantage in terms of development and that the partition in itself does not matter for development. This result is explained by the fact that the partition matters only when the resulting groups are relatively small, since their lack of political representation may weaken support for institutions, may bias policies and the provision of ethnic/regional public goods.

O burlesco e o satírico na obra de Marcial e Juvenal

A presente dissertação assenta na análise comparativa da obra de Marcial e Juvenal e tem como principais objectivos evidenciar a natureza burlesca e satírica que lhes assiste, assim como a (a)temporalidade e o alcance pedagógico-didáctico que as suas palavras comportam. Neste sentido, a análise tomou como matéria a abordagem que ambos fazem de temáticas comuns, no âmbito da representação da sociedade imperial do século I d.C. O trabalho divide-se em duas partes: I. Contexto e Condicionalismos; II. A vida quotidiana em Roma. A primeira subdividida em dois capítulos: 1. O espírito burlesco e o espírito satírico; 2. Apologia pro opere suo, e a segunda em quatro: 3. Modus vivendi Romani: prazeres e distracções em Roma; 4. (A)masculinidade Romana; 5. A condição feminina e o seu lugar em Roma; 6. Clientelismo e patronato sob o olhar de Marcial e Juvenal. Depois de uma contextualização dos termos burlesco e satírico, fundamentalmente alicerçada no primitivo espírito romano, procedeu-se à abordagem dos condicionalismos culturais, sócio-políticos e bibliográficos que melhor contribuem para a compreensão das principais diferenças/semelhanças entre a natureza, as intenções, as estratégias discursivas e a projecção das obras em causa. Na segunda parte, a análise comparativa da representação que os autores fazem da vida quotidiana em Roma focou essencialmente quatro aspectos, abordados em capítulos distintos, conforme supra-enunciado: no primeiro, a visão global que os autores projectam de Roma, através da representação dos principais divertimentos e distracções que ocupam e agradam aos Romanos; no segundo, a moralidade/falsidade que assiste aos comportamentos masculinos; no terceiro, a invectiva à mulher e ao lugar que esta ocupa nas relações sociais, afectivas e sexuais; no quarto, a instituição patronatoclientelismo e os valores sociais e morais que a revestem. A partir desta análise atestam-se as afinidades e o alcance de um fim semelhante nas obras de Marcial e Juvenal, não obstante a natureza e as diferenças estruturais que lhes assistem. Desta dissertação constam também uma Introdução e uma Conclusão, uma Bibliografia, bem como um Índice geral e um Index auctorum et locorum latinorum.

Choix scolaires, perception de la valeur des études et relations sociales de jeunes québécois au postsecondaire : une analyse qualitative longitudinale

La recherche s'intéresse à la valeur accordée aux études par les jeunes québécois de niveau postsecondaire en se basant sur le modèle de type attente-valeur d'Eccles (2007). La perception de la valeur correspond à un jugement posé sur les études, le programme ou le cours au regard de quatre composantes : intérêt, utilité, valeur de réalisation et cout. L'objectif général de la thèse est de mieux comprendre la dynamique entourant les choix scolaires des jeunes québécois de niveau postsecondaire à l'aide du concept de perception de la valeur des études et de ses composantes. Deux objectifs spécifiques en découlent: 1. Décrire les composantes de la perception de la valeur et leur dynamique, en distinguant la perception de la valeur des études en général (le fait d'étudier), d'un programme ou d'un cours et en reliant la perception de la valeur aux choix scolaires des jeunes; 2. Identifier et décrire le lien entre les relations sociales et la perception de la valeur des études. Une analyse secondaire a été menée sur 185 entretiens semi-dirigés réalisés auprès de 36 jeunes sur une période d'environ 5 ans (données de la recherche Famille, réseaux et persévérance au collégial, de Bourdon et Charbonneau). Les résultats valident largement le modèle et les définitions d'Eccles (2007), mais remettent en question certains aspects, en particulier autour des composantes utilité, réalisation et cout. Des aspects dynamiques de la perception de la valeur par ailleurs ont été mis en évidence. Les relations sociales - parents et pairs notamment - peuvent agir, selon différentes modalités, sur la perception de la valeur des études. Le personnel enseignant est mentionné en lien avec la valeur accordée aux cours. Une compréhension plus fine de la valeur accordée aux études, aux programmes et aux cours pourra être réinvestie dans l'organisation scolaire au postsecondaire et dans les pratiques pédagogiques.

Brazil's Emerging Roadmap for Internet Governance

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2014

Introduction: the impact of the 'War on Terror' on executive–legislative relations: a global perspective

In democratic polities, constitutional equilibria or balances of power between the executive and the legislature shift over time. Normative and empirical political theorists have long recognised that war, civil unrest, economic and political crises, terrorist attacks, and other events strengthen the power of the executive, disrupt and threaten constitutional politics, and damage democratic institutions: crises require swift action and executives are thought to be more capable than parliaments and legislatures of taking such actions. The terrorist attacks on New York and Washington on 11 September 2001 and the ensuing so-called 'war on terror' declared by President Bush clearly constituted a crisis, not only in the United States but also in other political systems, in part because of the US's hegemonic position in defining and shaping many other states' foreign and domestic policies. Dicey, Schmitt, and Rossiter suggest that critical events and political crises inevitably trigger the concentration of (emergency) powers in the hands of the executive. Aristotle and Machiavelli questioned the inevitability of this process. This article and the articles that follow in this Special Issue utilise empirical evidence, through the use of case studies of the United States, the United Kingdom, Russia, Australia, Israel, Italy and Indonesia, to address this debate. Specifically, the issue explores to what extent the external shock or crisis of 9/11 (and other terrorist attacks) and the ensuing 'war on terror' significantly changed the balance of executive-legislative relations from t (before the crisis) to t+1 (after the crisis) in these political systems, all of which were the targets of actual or foiled terrorist attacks. The most significant findings are that the shock of 9/11 and the 'war on terror' elicited varied responses by national executives and legislatures/parliaments and thus the balance of executive-legislative relations in different political systems; that, therefore, executive-legislative relations are positive rather than zero-sum; and that domestic political contexts conditioned these institutional responses.

NGOs, International Aid, and Mental Health in Cambodia

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-03

Rethinking crises and the accretion of executive power: the “War on Terror” and conditionality evidence from seven political systems

External shocks to democratic systems are likely to threaten the stability of relations between the executive and the representative assembly. This article investigates the impact of the so-called “war on terror” on executive-assembly relations in comparative perspective. We analyze data from seven countries, which varied in terms of form of government, level of democracy, culture, social structure, and geographic location, to evaluate its effects. We find that whereas in some systems the “war on terror” altered the balance of power between the executive and the assembly, in other cases the extant balance of power was preserved. We postulate various conditions under which the constitutionally sanctioned balance of power is most likely to be preserved in times of crisis.

The state and the development of an information society: Greek policy and experience

The paper looks into the dynamics of information society policy and its implementation in the Greek context. It argues that information society development is a contested process, influenced by pre-existing state, economy and society relations. Based on this, it looks into the different aspects of the idiosyncratic path which the evolution of the Greek information society has followed, particularly after 2000. Using Bob Jessop's strategic-relational approach (SRA) to the state as an analytical framework and drawing on a number of in-depth interviews with relevant political actors, it provides insights into policy implementation by examining: the public management of information technology projects, how such projects were received in bureaucratic structures and practices, as well as the relationship between the state and the information and communication technology (ICT) sector in public procurement processes. The emphasis is on the period 2000–2008, during which a major operational programme on the information society in Greece was put into effect. The paper also touches upon the post-2008 experience, suggesting that information society developments might include dynamics operating independently and even in contradiction to the state agenda.

Machiavelli’s Walls: The Legacy of Realism in International Relations Theory

In this paper we argue that Niccolò Machiavelli has little to do with Realism in International Relations theory. By concentrating, as Machaivelli did, on the walls that define political relations—both inside and outside the polity—we find his insights deeply rooted in the specific political contexts of Sixteenth century Italy. Others may wish to generalize from them, but Machiavelli did not. In fact, as we show, Machiavelli was mindful of the difficulties of generalizing about walls and acknowledged the dangers political actors faced in navigating between the internal and external walls of the polity. We examine the geopolitical contours of Machiavelli’s walls and seek to demonstrate how morality is present in these historical spaces. In contrast to Realists, Machiavelli was ready and willing to make ethical judgments. We argue that theorists of international politics should exercise care in reaching for Machiavelli as the iconic thinker for making sense of anarchy in world politics. This article concludes by suggesting that the ideology of Machiavellianism has obscured deeper understanding of the particular contexts of Machiavelli’s own world.

Data Visualisation Does Political Things

In this paper I advance the theory of critical communication design by exploring the politics of data, information and knowledge visualisation in three bodies of work. Data reflects power relations, special interests and ideologies that determine which data is collected, what data is used and how it is used. In a review of Max Roser’s Our World in Data, I develop the concepts of digital positivism, datawash and darkdata. Looking at the Climaps by Emaps project, I describe how knowledge visualisation can support integrated learning on complex problems and nurture relational perception. Finally, I present my own Mapping Climate Communication project and explain how I used discourse mapping to develop the concept of discursive confusion and illustrate contradictions in this politicised area. Critical approaches to information visualisation reject reductive methods in favour of more nuanced ways of presenting information that acknowledge complexity and the political dimension on issues of controversy.

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

Identification and ethnic diversity underlie support for multicultural rights : a multilevel analysis in Bulgaria

Bulgaria is historically a multicultural society, composed of the Bulgarian (ethnic) majority and a number of ethnic minorities among which Bulgarian Turks and Roma are the largest. Both minority communities are stigmatized in contemporary Bulgaria, though to different degrees and for different reasons. Ethnic minorities' rights to preserve their culture, customs, and language are a topic of contentious debate. The purpose of this study was to examine individual- and context-level antecedents of the ethnic Bulgarian majority's support for multicultural rights of ethnic minorities. Multilevel regression analyses were conducted with International Social Survey Programme ISSP 2003 data (N = 920 in 28 Bulgarian districts). At the individual-level, an ethnic conception of the nation and anti-Roma symbolic prejudice were negatively related to support for multicultural rights, whereas national identification was positively related to the support of these rights. Over and above individual-level effects, and in line with recent extensions of intergroup contact theory, thepercentage ofBulgarianTurks withindistricts was positively related to support for multicultural rights. Importantly, support for multicultural rights was particularly high in districts characterized by ethnic diversity, that is, in districts with high proportions of both Bulgarian Turks and Roma. The beneficial effects of ethnic diversity and theoretical implications of findings are discussed.