962 resultados para Antimasonic Party.


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What sustained borrowing without third-party enforcement, in the early days of sovereignlending? Philip II of Spain accumulated towering debts while stopping all payments tohis lenders four times. How could the sovereign borrow much and default often? Weargue that bankers ability to cut off Philip II s access to smoothing services was key. Aform of syndicated lending created cohesion among his Genoese bankers. As a result,lending moratoria were sustained through a cheat the cheater mechanism (Kletzer andWright, 2000). Our paper thus lends empirical support to a recent literature emphasizingthe role of bankers incentives for continued sovereign borrowing.

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We study elections in which one party (the strong party) controls a source of political unrest; e.g., this party could instigate riots if it lost the election. We show that the strong party is more likely to win the election when there is less information about its ability to cause unrest. This is because when theweak party is better informed, it can more reliably prevent political unrest by implementing a ``centrist'' policy. When there is uncertainty over the credibility of the threat, ``posturing'' by the strong party leads to platform divergence.

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En este trabajo se presentan los resultados de un estudio empírico sobre los motivos del cambio sistemático de resultados electorales que se da en Cataluña según el ámbito de la convocatoria electoral de que se trate. La hipótesis, contrastada positivamente con datos del período 1982-1993, es que la victoria del partido nacionalista de centro derecha en las elecciones autonómicas en un territorio donde vencen siempre los socialistas en las elecciones legislativas se debe a la combinación de los fenómenos del voto dual y del abstencionismo diferencial. La aproximación metodológica de la elección racional permite construir grupos de electores que tienen distintas percepciones del espacio en el que se dirime la competición política, hecho que les induce a un comportamiento electoral diferenciado. Combinando estos resultados con los obtenidos del análisis con datos socioestructurales agregados, se establece un cierto perfil de los votantes duales y de los abstencionistas diferenciales. Finalmente, se realiza una interpretación de los resultados de las elecciones catalanas de 1995 y 1999 a la luz de los resultados de este estudio.This article presents the results of an empirical study about the reasons of the systematic change in the electoral results in Catalonia according to the type of elections. The hypothesis, positively tested with data from the period 1982-1993, is that the victory of the nationalist centre-right party in the autonomous elections in a region where always wins the socialist party in general elections, is due to the combination of the dual vote and differential abstention phenomena. The rational choice methodological approach allow to construct groups of electors with different perceptions about the space in which the political race takes place, fact that induces them different electoral behaviour. In combining these results with those obtained from the analysis with aggregated social and structural data, it is defined a certain the profile of the dual voters and the differential non-voters. Finally, it is given an interpretation of the Catalan election results in 1995 and 1999 using as a clue the results of this study.

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The DOT, created by the Iowa Legislature, began operating July 1,1975. The newly formed Department of Transportation had a staff of 4,568 full-time equivalents (FTEs). These employees and their responsibilities came from the Highway Commission, Reciprocity Board, Aeronautics Commission, and parts of the Commerce Commission, Department of Revenue and Finance, Department of Public Safety and the Energy Policy Council. The DOT continually looks at ways to become more efficient in serving our customers. As a result the current workforce equals approximately 3,049 full-time employees. The seven transportation commissioners set policy for the department and are appointed by the governor, with no more than four from one political party. Membership on the commission is gender-balanced. Commissioners are confirmed by the Iowa Senate and serve on a staggered basis for four-year terms. Commission meetings are usually held monthly in Ames. The meetings are open to the public and follow a printed agenda.

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Between 2007 and 2009, aggressions by security agents of nightclubs on clients increased from 6% to 10% among community violence situations encountered at the Violence Medical Unit (VMU) at the Lausanne University Hospital in Switzerland. Most victims were young men who had been drinking alcohol before the assault. About one quarter (25.7%) presented with one or several fractures, all of them in the head area. (For more details, refer to the previous article "When nightclub security agents assault clients" published in 2012(1).) Following this first study, we performed a second qualitative study in order to bring more information about the context and highlight victims' behaviors and experiences. Four themes emerged: how the assault began; the assault itself; third-party involvement; and the psychological state of victims when they consulted the VMU. The findings of this second study complemented the statistical results of the first study by showing under what circumstances security agents of nightclubs respond with physical violence to situations they consider a threat to security. Furthermore, the study described consequences for the victims that could be quite serious. Our findings support the need for nightclubs to improve selection and training of security staff.

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CD4+CD25+ regulatory T cells (Tregs) play a critical role in the prevention of autoimmune diseases as well as in the induction and maintenance of dominant tolerance in transplantation models. While their suppressive function has been extensively studied in vitro, their homeostasis and mechanisms of immunoregulation still remain to be clarifi ed in vivo. Using a murine adoptive transfer and skin allograft model, we analysed the expansion, effector function and traffi cking of effector T cells in the presence or absence of donor-specifi c Tregs. Although hyporesponsive to allogeneic and polyclonal stimulation in vitro, transferred Tregs survived and expanded, in response to an allograft in vivo. When co-transferred with naive CD4+CD25- effector T cells, they specifi cally prevented donor but not 3rd party allograft rejection by inhibiting the production of effector cytokines rather than the proliferation of effector T cells in response to alloantigens. The co-transfer of donor-specifi c Tregs did not affect the homing of effector T cells towards the graft draining lymph nodes, but it markedly reduced the infi ltration of the allograft by these pathogenic cells. Furthermore, in recipients where donor-specifi c transplantation tolerance was induced, Tregs preferentially accumulated in the allograft draining lymph nodes and within the grafted skin itself. Taken together, our results suggest that the suppression of graft rejection is an active process that involves the persistent presence of Tregs at the site of antigenic challenge.

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Kyösti Pekonen

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According to most political scientists and commentators, direct democracy seems to weaken political parties. Our empirical analysis in the 26 Swiss cantons shows that this thesis in its general form cannot be maintained. Political parties in cantons with extensive use of referendums and initiatives are not in all respects weaker than parties in cantons with little use of direct democratic means of participation. On the contrary, direct democracy goes together with more professional and formalized party organizations. Use of direct democracy is associated with more fragmented and volatile party systems, and with greater support for small parties, but causal interpretations of these relationships are difficult.

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Abstract: Party manifesto as an arena of practising in and maintaining political thinking

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Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) have become a central component of election campaigns worldwide. Through matching political preferences of voters to parties and candidates, the web application grants voters a look into their political mirror and reveals the most suitable political choices to them in terms of policy congruence. Both the dense and concise information on the electoral offer and the comparative nature of the application make VAAs an unprecedented information source for electoral decision making. In times where electoral choices are found to be highly individualized and driven by political issue positions, an ever increasing number of voters turn to VAAs before casting their ballots. With VAAs in high demand, the question of their effects on voters has become a pressing research topic. In various countries, survey research has been used to proclaim an impact of VAAs on electoral behavior, yet practically all studies fail to provide the scientific evidence that would allow for making such claims. In this thesis, I set out to systematically establish the causal link between VAA use and electoral behavior, using various data sources and appropriate statistical techniques in doing so. The focus lies on the Swiss VAA smartvote, introduced in the forefront of the 2003 Swiss federal elections and meanwhile an integral part of the national election campaign, smartvote has produced over a million voting recommendations in the last Swiss federal elections to an active electorate of two million, potentially guiding a vast amount of voters in their choices on the ballot. In order to determine the effect of the VAA on electoral behavior, I analyze both voting preferences and choice among Swiss voters during two consecutive election periods. First, I introduce statistical techniques to adequately examine VAA effects in observational studies and use them to demonstrate that voters who used smartvote prior to the 2007 Swiss federal elections were significantly more likely to swing vote in the elections than non- users. Second, I analyze preference voting during the same election and show that the smartvote voting recommendation inclines politically knowledgeable voters to modify their ballots and cast candidate specific preference votes. Third, to further tackle the indication that smartvote use affects the preference structure of voters, I employ an experimental research design to demonstrate that voters who use the application tend to strengthen their vote propensities for their most preferred party and adapt their overall party preferences in a way that they consider more than one party as eligible vote options after engaging with the application. Finally, vote choice is examined for the 2011 Swiss federal election, showing once more that the VAA initiated a change of party choice among voters. In sum, this thesis presents empirical evidence for the transformative effect of the Swiss VAA smartvote on the electoral behavior.

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Abstract: The political conceptions of the National Coalition Party (conservatives) and the Social Democratic Party in Finland in 1960-1970 with the manner of narrating stories

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The Great Depression spurred State ownership in Western capitalist countries. Germany was no exception; the last governments of the Weimar Republic took over firms in diverse sectors. Later, the Nazi regime transferred public ownership and public services to the private sector. In doing so, they went against the mainstream trends in the Western capitalist countries, none of which systematically reprivatized firms during the 1930s. Privatization in Nazi Germany was also unique in transferring to private hands the delivery f public services previously provided by government. The firms and the services transferred to private ownership belonged to diverse sectors. Privatization was part of an intentional policy with multiple objectives and was not ideologically driven. As in many recent privatizations, particularly within the European Union, strong financial restrictions were a central motivation. In addition, privatization was used as a political tool to enhance support for the government and for the Nazi Party.

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The death of a person as a reaction to the death of another is known as Philemon and Baucis death and may represent a difficult challenge for pathologists, especially due to the decompositional changes that often characterized these situations. In this article, we describe two cases of Philemon and Baucis deaths, the first concerning a married couple and the second concerning a father and son. Postmortem investigations including radiology and biochemistry were performed. Based on the results of all investigations, deaths were attributed to natural causes. Third-party involvement could be excluded in both situations. In one case, biochemical analysis results revealed potentially contributing causes of death. The reported cases emphasize the importance of correlating findings from different postmortem investigations to identify causes of death, precipitating conditions and predisposing disorders, thus allowing the conclusion of natural death to be reached and third-party involvement to be excluded.

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In the quest to completely describe entanglement in the general case of a finite number of parties sharing a physical system of finite-dimensional Hilbert space an entanglement magnitude is introduced for its pure and mixed states: robustness. It corresponds to the minimal amount of mixing with locally prepared states which washes out all entanglement. It quantifies in a sense the endurance of entanglement against noise and jamming. Its properties are studied comprehensively. Analytical expressions for the robustness are given for pure states of two-party systems, and analytical bounds for mixed states of two-party systems. Specific results are obtained mainly for the qubit-qubit system (qubit denotes quantum bit). As by-products local pseudomixtures are generalized, a lower bound for the relative volume of separable states is deduced, and arguments for considering convexity a necessary condition of any entanglement measure are put forward.

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To assess the impact of electoral systems on voting turnout, cross-national studies can be usefully complemented by studies of turnout in local elections in countries using more than one electoral system at that level. In this article, we look at data from a 1998 survey of Swiss municipalities to revisit the findings of our earlier study. This previous study, based on a 1988 survey, concluded, in particular, that there exists a positive relationship between proportional representation elections, party politicization, and voter turnout. The moment is opportune since, in the interval, turnout has markedly declined in Swiss municipalities, as elsewhere. By testing whether municipalities with proportional representation voting were more or less successful in stemming the decline, we learn more about the relationship among these three phenomena. We use the results for those Swiss municipalities which participated in both surveys as our primary source.