996 resultados para American Party.
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Kandidaatintutkielmani aiheena on vuonna 1997 perustettu uhkapeliyhtiö Party Gaming PLC ja vuoden 2011 yritysfuusion jälkeen Bwin.Party Digital Entertainment PLC. Tutkielmani tavoitteena on tutkia yhtiön tuloksen muodostumista ajanjaksolla 2005-2012 ja verrata tuloksenteon muodostumista ja sen muutosta yhtiön markkina-arvon muutoksiin.
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The South American sea lion, Otaria flavescens, is widely distributed along the Pacific and Atlantic coasts of South America. However, along the Brazilian coast, there are only two nonbreeding sites for the species (Refúgio de Vida Silvestre da Ilha dos Lobos and Refúgio de Vida Silvestre do Molhe Leste da Barra do Rio Grande), both in Southern Brazil. In this region, the species is continuously under the effect of anthropic activities, mainly those related to environmental contamination with organic and inorganic chemicals and fishery interactions. This paper reports, for the first time, the genetic diversity of O. flavescens found along the Southern Brazilian coast. A 287-bp fragment of the mitochondrial DNA control region (D-loop) was analyzed. Seven novel haplotypes were found in 56 individuals (OFA1-OFA7), with OFA1 being the most frequent (47.54%). Nucleotide diversity was moderate (π = 0.62%) and haplotype diversity was relatively low (67%). Furthermore, the median joining network analysis indicated that Brazilian haplotypes formed a reciprocal monophyletic clade when compared to the haplotypes from the Peruvian population on the Pacific coast. These two populations do not share haplotypes and may have become isolated some time back. Further genetic studies covering the entire species distribution are necessary to better understand the biological implications of the results reported here for the management and conservation of South American sea lions.
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Bovine herpesviruses 1 (BoHV-1) and 5 (BoHV-5) share high genetic and antigenic similarities, but exhibit marked differences in tissue tropism and neurovirulence. The amino-terminal region of glycoprotein C (gC), which is markedly different in each of the viruses, is involved in virus binding to cellular receptors and in interactions with the immune system. This study investigated the genetic and antigenic differences of the 5′ region of the gC (5′ gC) gene (amino-terminal) of South American BoHV-1 (n=19) and BoHV-5 (n=25) isolates. Sequence alignments of 374 nucleotides (104 amino acids) revealed mean similarity levels of 97.3 and 94.2% among BoHV-1 gC (gC1), respectively, 96.8 and 95.6% among BoHV-5 gC (gC5), and 62 and 53.3% between gC1 and gC5. Differences included the absence of 40 amino acid residues (27 encompassing predicted linear epitopes) scattered throughout 5′ gC1 compared to 5′ gC5. Virus neutralizing assays testing BoHV-1 and BoHV-5 antisera against each isolate revealed a high degree of cross-neutralization between the viruses, yet some isolates were neutralized at very low titers by heterologous sera, and a few BoHV-5 isolates reacted weakly with either sera. The virus neutralization differences observed within the same viral species, and more pronounced between BoHV-1 and BoHV-5, likely reflect sequence differences in neutralizing epitopes. These results demonstrate that the 5′ gC region is well conserved within each viral species but is divergent between BoHV-1 and BoHV-5, likely contributing to their biological and antigenic differences.
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Cleavages have been central in understanding the relationship between political parties and voters but the credibility of cleavage approach has been increasingly debated. This is because of decreasing party loyalty, fewer ideological differences between the parties and general social structural change amongst other factors. By definition, cleavages arise when social structural groups recognize their clashing interests, which are reflected in common values and attitudes, and vote for parties that are dedicated to defend the interests of the groups concerned. This study assesses relevance of cleavage approach in the Finnish context. The research problem in this study is “what kind of a cleavage structure exists in Finland at the beginning of the 21st century? Finland represents a case that has traditionally been characterized by a strong and diverse cleavage structure, notable ideological fragmentation in the electorate and an ideologically diverse party system. Nevertheless, the picture of the party-voter ties in Finland still remains incomplete with regard to a thorough analysis of cleavages. In addition, despite the vast amount of literature on cleavages in political science, studies that thoroughly analyze national cleavage structures by assessing the relationship between social structural position, values and attitudes and party choice have been rare. The research questions are approached by deploying statistical analyses, and using Finnish National Election Studies from 2003, 2007 and 2011as data. In this study, seven different social structural cleavage bases are analyzed: native language, type of residential area, occupational class, education, denomination, gender and age cohorts. Four different value/attitudinal dimensions were identified in this study: economic right and authority, regional and socioeconomic equality, sociocultural and European Union dimensions. This study shows that despite the weak overall effect of social structural positions on values and attitudes, a few rather strong connections between them were identified. The overall impact of social structural position and values and attitudes on party choice varies significantly between parties. Cleavages still exist in Finland and the cleavage structure partly reflects the old basis in the Finnish party system. The cleavage that is based on the type of residential area and reflected in regional and socioeconomic equality dimensions concerns primarily the voters of the Centre Party and the Coalition Party. The linguistic cleavage concerns mostly the voters of the Swedish People’s Party. The classic class cleavage reflected in the regional and socioeconomic equality dimension concerns in turn first and foremost the blue-collar voters of the Left Alliance and the Social Democratic Party, the agricultural entrepreneur voters of the Centre Party and higher professional and manager voters of the Coalition Party. The conflict with the most potential as a cleavage is the one based on social status (occupational class and education) and it is reflected in sociocultural and EU dimensions. It sets the voters of the True Finns against the voters of the Green League and the Coalition Party. The study underlines the challenges the old parties have met after the volatile election in 2011, which shook the cleavage structure. It also describes the complexity involved in the Finnish conflict structure and the multidimensionality in the electoral competition between the parties.
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Protectionist policies were considered one of the pivotal features of the import industrialization process in Latin America. In this paper the effects of protectionist policies are assessed in terms of the principal macroeconomic variables, productive structure and external trade composition; also, ECLAC's perspective on the import substitution process is discussed. The main conclusions are that regional protectionist policies were spontaneous, and their effects were limited due to the generalized protection that took place and the government's commitment to price stability.
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Trade between South America and China has been an important source of the high growth shown by those economies in the 2000s. During the globalization of the 1990s, trade between the region and China had not developed so much. A rather sharp growth in China's presence in world trade since the beginning of the 2000s changed the world trade trends for MERCOSUR countries, or, at least, for many of them. The impact of the increasing trade of agrifood has been very relevant, and different per country. Strategy is another important issue, referring to bilateral relations with China. This country should be seen as a partner in the global trade, and not as a new foreign investor for the region, but this may be different in the context of different national strategies of South American countries.
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When compared to Latin America, Asian economies since 1980 have grown faster and have done so with relatively modest inequalities. Why? A comparison of Asia and Latin America underlines the superiority of the nationalist capitalist model of development, which has often been pursued more explicitly in Asia, over that of a dependent capitalist model, which has often been pursued in Latin America. In comparison to Latin America, the Asian model has facilitated higher and less volatile rates of economic growth and a greater political room to pursue social democratic policies. The "tap root" of these alternate pathways is relative autonomy from global constraints: states and economies in Asia have been more nationalist and autonomous than in Latin America.
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In contrast with the inflationary finance story, inflation acceleration in Latin America has been explained as the result of the interaction of inflation dynamics and the frequency of wage adjustments. Accordingly, small inflation disturbances are connected with a shift from moderate to high inflation (or beyond to hyperinflation) though a mechanism that makes adjustment intervals in wage contracts endogenous. Rudiger Dornbusch (1986) labeled this process the "Pazos-Simonsen mechanism". In this note we summarize the basic contribution of both Felipe Pazos (1978) and Mario Henrique Simonsen (1983) and find crucial differences between their views on wage dynamics, specifically regarding the endogeneity of the time interval between wage readjustments. A remarkable affinity with Pazos's view on wage dynamics and inflation is found in an early and almost unknown essay written by Nicholas Kaldor in 1957 (inspired in his brief experience in Latin America).
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ABSTRACTThis paper analyzes Joan Robinson's growth model, and then adapted in order to provide an exploratory taxonomy of Growth Eras. The Growth Eras or Ages were for Robinson a way to provide logical connections among output growth, capital accumulation, the degree of thriftiness, the real wage and illustrate a catalogue of growth possibilities. This modified taxonomy follows the spirit of Robinson's work, but it takes different theoretical approaches, which imply that some of her classifications do not fit perfectly the ones here suggested. Latin America has moved from a Golden Age in the 1950s and 1960s, to a Leaden Age in the 1980s, having two traverse periods, one in which the process of growth and industrialization accelerated in the late 1960s and early 1970s, which is here referred to as a Galloping Platinum Age, and one in which a process of deindustrialization, and reprimarization and maquilization of the productive structure took place, starting in the 1990s, which could be referred to as a Creeping Platinum Age.
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Innovative and unconventional, Pulitzer Prize-winning playwright Suzan-Lori Parks belongs to the continuum of African American playwrights who have contributed to the quest/ion – the quest for and question – of identities for African Americans. Her plays are sites in which the quest/ion of identities for African Americans is pursued, raised and enacted. She makes use of both page and stage to emphasize the exigency of reshaping African Americans’ identities through questioning the dominant ideologies and metanarratives, delegitimizing some of the prevailing stereotypes imposed on them, drawing out the complicity of the media in perpetuating racism, evoking slavery, lynching and their aftereffects, rehistoricizing African American history, catalyzing reflections on the various intersections of sex, race, class and gender orientations, and proffering alternative perspectives to help readers think more critically about issues facing African Americans. In my dissertation, I approach three plays by Parks – The Death of the Last Black Man in the Whole Entire World (1990), Venus (1996) and Fucking A (2000) – from the standpoints of postmodern drama and African American feminism with a focus on the terrains that reflect the quest/ion of identities for African Americans, especially African American women. I argue that postmodern drama and African American feminism provide the ground for Parks to promote the development of a political agenda in order to call into question a number of dominant ideologies and metanarratives with regard to African Americans and draw upon the roles of those metanarratives as a powerful apparatus of racial and sexual oppressions. I also explore how Parks engages with postmodern drama and African American feminism to incorporate her own mininarratives in the dominant discourses. I argue that Parks in these plays uses postmodern drama and African American feminism to encourage reflections on intersectionality in order to reveal the concerns of African Americans, particularly African American women. Her plays challenge the dominant order of hierarchy and patriarchy, while in some cases urging unity and solidarity between African American men and women by showing how unity and solidarity can help them confront race, class and gender oppressions. Furthermore, I discuss how the utilization of postmodern techniques and devices helps Parks to transform the conventional features of playwriting, to create incredulity toward the dominant systems of oppression and to incorporate her mininarratives within the context of dominant discourses.
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Référence bibliographique : Rol, 56234