938 resultados para Administrative and political division


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This is a conference paper which compares and contrasts the views of Aristotle and Cicero in relation to cosmopolitan political thought. The paper focuses on the issue of the social and political 'identity' of the individual moral agent. It also distinguiishes between 'strong' and 'weak' versions of both 'cosmopolitanism' and 'communitarianism.' It argues that the views of Aristotle and Cicero are closer than is usually thought. Aristotle is more of a 'cosmopolitan' and less of a 'communitarian' thinker than is commonly supposed, whereas, on the other hand, Cicero is more of a 'communitarian' and less of a 'cosmopolitan' thinker.

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The topic of the thesis is media discourse about current state if income inequality in the US, and political ideologies as influences behind the discourse. The data consists of four opinion articles, two from CNN and two from Fox News. The purpose of the study was to examine how media represents income inequality as an issue, and if the attitudes conveyed are concerned or indifferent. Previous studies have indicated that the level of income is often seen as a personal responsibility, and such perspective can be linked with Republican ideology. In contrast, the Democrats typically express more concern about the consequences of inequality. CNN has been previously considered to have a Democratic bias, and Fox News has been considered to have Republican bias, which is one reason why these two news channels were chosen as the sources of the data. The study is a critical discourse analysis, and the methods applied were sociocognitive approach, which analyzes the social and cognitive factors affecting the discourse, and appraisal framework, which was applied to scrutinize the expressed attitudes more closely by identifyind specific linguistic features. The appraisal framework includes studying such features as affect, judgment and appreciation, which offer a more detailed analysis on the attitudes present in the articles. The sociocognitive approach, additionally, offers a way of analyzing a more broad context affecting the articles. The findings were then compared, to see if there are differences between the articles, or between the news sites with alleged bias. The findings showed that CNN, with alleged Democratic bias, had a more symphatetic attitude towards income inequality, whereas Fox News, with more Republican views, showed clearly less concern towards the issue. Moreover, the Fox News articles had such dubious claims that the underlying ideology behind the articles could be even supporting of income inequality, as it allows the rich to pursue all the wealth they can without having to give anything away. The results, thus, suggest that the political ideologies may a significant effect on media discourse, which, in turn, may have a significant effect on the attitudes of the public towards great issues that could require prompt measures.

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Human Neks are a conserved protein kinase family related to cell cycle progression and cell division and are considered potential drug targets for the treatment of cancer and other pathologies. We screened the activation loop mutant kinases hNek1 and hNek2, wild-type hNek7, and five hNek6 variants in different activation/phosphorylation statesand compared them against 85 compounds using thermal shift denaturation. We identified three compounds with significant Tm shifts: JNK Inhibitor II for hNek1(Δ262-1258)-(T162A), Isogranulatimide for hNek6(S206A), andGSK-3 Inhibitor XIII for hNek7wt. Each one of these compounds was also validated by reducing the kinases activity by at least 25%. The binding sites for these compounds were identified by in silico docking at the ATP-binding site of the respective hNeks. Potential inhibitors were first screened by thermal shift assays, had their efficiency tested by a kinase assay, and were finally analyzed by molecular docking. Our findings corroborate the idea of ATP-competitive inhibition for hNek1 and hNek6 and suggest a novel non-competitive inhibition for hNek7 in regard to GSK-3 Inhibitor XIII. Our results demonstrate that our approach is useful for finding promising general and specific hNekscandidate inhibitors, which may also function as scaffolds to design more potent and selective inhibitors.

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This text offers some contributions to the debate on the changes proposed to the National Curricular Directives to reform secondary education in Brazil. In the first part, the political and economic scene is evaluated as the context which generated the last stage of reforms in the educational field in the 90s. It questions the option for a model of structural reform (in the Brazilian case more restricted to the Program for Reform of Professional Education - PROEP) and of the curriculum, whose themes find their justification in the contemporary economic, social cultural and political context. It discusses the use of a model that bases itself on experiences developed in other countries and takes the international orientation of the multilateral organizations as its theoretical methodological reference, leaving out the peculiarities and injunctions of the Brazilian political administrative system. Such a policy measure can increase the tension and distance normally existing between government programs and the possibility of their real implementation in the school network. In the second part, it discusses the Resolution of the National Education Council, the Congress on Basic Education, no.3, of 16.698 that instituted the National Curricular Directives for secondary education, as well as the Legal Bases - Part I - of the National Curricular Parameters for secondary education. The analysis of official discourse takes Bardin's (1977, p. 209) proposals as its methodological reference for the models of structural analysis, seeking to make the implicit values and the connotations of the legal texts explicit

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A construção da direção única na saúde constitui-se um desafio para a gestão local do SUS, particularmente para municípios de grande porte. Este artigo analisou o processo de implementação do SUS no município de São Paulo, visando identificar estratégias para viabilizar uma direção única, no período de 2001 a 2008. Com base em um estudo de caso, foram utilizados dados obtidos de informantes privilegiados da gestão e de documentos de gestão. O conceito de integração sanitária foi utilizado como categoria analítica. Foram analisados movimentos e estratégias dos atores institucionais envolvidos diretamente na gestão do SUS, os gestores municipal e estadual. Observaram-se avanços institucionais como a municipalização das unidades básicas de saúde estaduais e a habilitação do município na gestão plena do sistema municipal. Apesar dessa condição de gestão e da identidade político-partidária entre os governos municipal e estadual desde 2005, constatou-se a coexistência de dois subsistemas públicos de saúde pouco integrados. Um municipal, que concentrava os serviços de atenção básica; outro estadual, que concentrava parte considerável dos serviços de média e alta complexidades. Instrumentos de gestão adotados, como o sistema de regulação, mostraram-se frágeis para superar a falta de integração entre os referidos subsistemas. Como implementar a direção única no SUS implica uma (re)divisão de recursos e poder, discute-se que não bastam normas nem instrumentos de gestão para viabilizá-la. É um desafio estratégico para o SUS implementar processo de negociação, envolvendo os atores institucionais e políticos, visando a pactuação de um projeto político na saúde.

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A participação social no Brasil evoluiu de movimento operário e de sindicatos, culminando na institucionalização através de Conselhos. Na área da saúde, foi legalizada pela Lei 8142/90. O objetivo deste estudo é conhecer a prática do controle social exercida em Conselhos de Unidades e sua influência nas políticas de saúde do município de Campo Grande, MS. Foram feitos cinco estudos de caso, tendo como fonte principal as atas de reuniões e como referencial de análise um documento do Ilpes/Claps (1975). Os Conselhos organizam-se em plenário, com coordenador, secretário, composição hoje paritária, representatividade reduzida e periodicidade mensal. O processo decisório contempla principalmente elementos técnico-administrativos e técnico-operacionais. No período 1998-2002, o controle social fortaleceu-se por encaminhamentos mais concretos, mas a capacidade de deliberação precisa ser fortalecida por uma capacitação que inclua elementos técnicos, políticos e administrativos, representatividade, fortalecimento da cidadania, divulgação intensa das atividades dos Conselhos, inclusive na mídia, maior mobilização social e articulação entre os vários Conselhos e instâncias municipais que fazem interface com o setor de saúde.

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This is a draft for a chapter of the book version of my Ph.D thesis. The chapter addresses the following question: Are the creative processes of musical composers and academic economists essentially the same, or are there significant differences? The paper finds that there are deep similarities between the creative processes of theoretical economists and the creative processes of artists. The chapter builds a process oriented lifecycle account of creative activity, drawing on testimonial material from the arts and the sciences, and relates the model to the creative work of economists developing economic theory.

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Centuries after Locke asserted the importance of memory to identity, Freudian psychology argued that what was forgotten was of equal importance as to what was remembered. The closing decades of the nineteenth century saw a rising interest in the nature of forgetting, resulting in a reassessment and newfound distrust of the long revered faculty of memory. The relationship between memory and identity was inverted, seeing forgetting also become a means for forging identity. This newfound distrust of memory manifested in the writings of Nietzsche who in 1874 called for society to learn to feel unhistorically and distance itself from the past - in what was essentially tantamount to a cultural forgetting. Following the Nietzschean call, the architecture of Modernism was also compelled by the need to 'overcome' the limits imposed by history. This paper examines notions of identity through the shifting boundaries of remembering and forgetting, with particular reference to the construction of Brazilian identity through the ‘repression’ of history and memory in the design of the Brazilian capital. Designed as a forward-looking modernist utopia, transcending the limits imposed by the country's colonial heritage, the design for Brasilia exploited the anti-historicist agenda of modernism to emancipate the country from cultural and political associations with the Portuguese Empire. This paper examines the relationship between place, memory and forgetting through a discussion of the design for Brasilia.

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Except for a few large scale projects, language planners have tended to talk and argue among themselves rather than to see language policy development as an inherently political process. A comparison with a social policy example, taken from the United States, suggests that it is important to understand the problem and to develop solutions in the context of the political process, as this is where decisions will ultimately be made.

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This article compares fisheries management, environmental problems and policies of the Netherlands and Australia. From this comparison lessons can be learned for countries that experience economic growth and on increase of leisure activity. In both countries, conflicts between the user groups, e.g. commercial and recreational fishers, are identified and the ways in which policymakers deal with these problems are outlined. Often suggested tools to address these problems are decision-making procedures based on a holistic framework in which economic, sociocultural, political/institutional, ecological aspects are included in the decision framework. Recreational fishing is today often the dominant factor in the resolution of these matters because of the relative economic, social and political power of recreational fishers as a group.

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Every day trillions of dollars circulate the globe in a digital data space and new forms of property and ownership emerge. Massive corporate entities with a global reach are formed and disappear with breathtaking speed, making and breaking personal fortunes the size of which defy imagination. Fictitious commodities abound. The genomes of entire nations have become corporately owned. Relationships have become the overt basis of economic wealth and political power. Hypercapitalism explores the problems of understanding this emergent form of global political economic organization by focusing on the internal relations between language, new media networks, and social perceptions of value. Taking an historical approach informed by Marx, Phil Graham draws upon writings in political economy, media studies, sociolinguistics, anthropology, and critical social science to understand the development, roots, and trajectory of the global system in which every possible aspect of human existence, including imagined futures, has become a commodity form.

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This paper examines the role of the Canberra Commission in terms of consolidating and influencing the agenda on international negotiations towards the elimination of nuclear weapons. The Commission's Report is significant for two main reasons. First, it represents a unique form of disarmament diplomacy by the Australian Government which combined the post-Cold War international climate of security cooperation with the foreign policy aspirations of an activist middle power. Second, the Report refutes the strategic, technological and political arguments against nuclear elimination in a comprehensive and convincing manner, arguing that without elimination, the world faces increased threats of nuclear proliferation and nuclear terrorism. This paper thus concludes that the Canberra Commission has been instrumental in strengthening the taboo against the possession, testing or use of nuclear weapons.

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Australia struggles to achieve economic competitiveness, prevent expansion of the trade deficit and develop value-added production despite applications of policy strategies from protectionism to trade liberalisation. This article argues that these problems were emerging at the turn of the century, and that an investigation of music technology manufacturing in the first two decades of this century reveals fundamental problems in the conduct of relevant policy analysis. Analysis has focused on the trade or technology gap which is only symptomatic of an underlying knowledge gap. The article calls for a knowledge policy approach which can allow protection without the negative effects of isolation from global markets and without having to resort to unworkable utopian free-trade dogma. A shift of focus from a 'goods traded' view to a knowledge transaction (or diffusion) perspective is advocated.