971 resultados para 2D Electoral Paradoxes


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Since the 1985 return to democracy, Brazilian politicians have resorted to vote-pooling arrangements to elect representatives. A puzzle thus presents itself: What drives parties to join these electoral cartels? The dissertation unraveled the incentives party elites have to participate in coalitions under a presidencialist system of government. I also investigated the effect of electoral coalitions on congressional representation. I applied a model of binary outcomes and relied on standard deviations to assess the ideological homogeneity/heterogeneity of electoral coalitions. I also calculated the Index of Disproportionality to measure the gaps between the proportion of votes and seats received by all parties in Brazil with and without electoral coalitions. Finally, I assessed the effects of the electoral formula on proportionality. An unexpected exogenous factor resulted crucial in explaining proportional electoral coalition building: The district's majoritarian election for governor. In each district, political actors often synchronize coalition partners to maximize winning results while minimizing electoral efforts.

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In this research, I analyze the effects of candidate nomination rules and campaign financing rules on elite recruitment into the national legislatures of Germany and the United States. This dissertation is both theory-driven and constitutes exploratory research, too. While the effects of electoral rules are frequently studied in political science, the emphasis is thereby on electoral rules that are set post-election. My focus, in contrast, is on electoral rules that have an effect prior to the election. Furthermore, my dissertation is comparative by design.^ The research question is twofold. Do electoral rules have an effect on elite recruitment, and does it matter? To answer these question, I create a large-N original data set, in which I code the behavior and recruitment paths and patterns of members of the American House of Representatives and the German Bundestag. Furthermore, I include interviews with members of the said two national legislatures. Both the statistical analyses and the interviews provide affirmative evidence for my working hypothesis that differences in electoral rules lead to a different type of elite recruitment. To that end, I use the active-politician concept, through which I dichotomously distinguish the economic behavior of politicians.^ Thanks to the exploratory nature of my research, I also discover the phenomenon of differential valence of local and state political office for entrance into national office in comparative perspective. By statistically identifying this hitherto unknown paradox, as well as evidencing the effects of electoral rules, I show that besides ideology and culture, institutional rules are key in shaping the ruling elite. The way institutional rules are set up, in particular electoral rules, does not only affect how the electorate will vote and how seats will be distributed, but it will also affect what type of people will end up in elected office.^

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Posing radical challenges to structural inequality is the defining quality of the Left. What role electoral politics might play in such processes is a dilemma of radical politics, the contours of which vary by historical and national contexts. For the U.S. Left there is a distinctive aspect of the dilemma directly related to the failure of a "Left" party of even the most moderate social democratic type to take root, creating a seemingly never ending debate over the value if any of "third party" progressive organizing. This debate is current, as illustrated by three divergent approaches; independent left electoral politics (Socialist Alternative), organizing within the less conservative of the dominant parties (Progressive Democrats of America), and a social movement focus outside the electoral process (Occupy Movement). The present day examples of alternative Left strategies noted here in passing are but three of many such specific organizational options for progressive politics. This article does not seek to advocate for any one of these options to the exclusion of the others but rather seeks to provide historical perspective.

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In what can rightly be said to be one of the most dramatic geopolitical shifts in modern times, the collapse of communist regimes in Central Europe and the former Soviet Union brought about dramatic changes in the entire region. As a consequence, wide ranging political, economic, and social transformations have occurred in almost all of these countries since 1989. The Slovak Republic, as a newly democratic country, went through the establishment of the electoral and party systems that are the central mechanisms to the formation of almost all modern democratic governments. The primary research purpose of this dissertation was to describe and explain regional variations in party support during Slovakia’s ten years of democratic transformation. A secondary purpose was to relate these spatial variations to the evolution of political parties in the post-independence period in light of the literature on transitional electoral systems. Research questions were analyzed using both aggregate and survey data. Specifically, the study utilized electoral data from 1994, 1998, and 2002 Slovak parliamentary elections and socio-economic data of the population within Slovak regions which were eventually correlated with the voting results by party in the 79 Slovak districts. The results of this study demonstrate that there is a tendency among voters in certain regions to provide continuous support to the same political parties/movements over time. In addition, the socio-economic characteristics of the Slovak population (gender, age, education, religion, nationality, unemployment, work force distribution, wages, urban-rural variable, and population density) in different regions tend to influence voting preferences in the parliamentary elections. Finally, there is an evident correlation between party preference and the party’s position on integration into European Union, as measured by perceived attitudes regarding the benefits of EU membership.

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This study describes the development of a prototype to evaluate the potential of environments based on two-dimensional modeling and virtual reality as power substations learning objects into training environments from a central operation and control of power utility Cemig. Initially, there was an identification modeling features and cognitive processes in 2D and RV, from which it was possible to create frames that serve to guide the preparation of a checklist with assigning a metric weight for measuring cognitive potential learning in the study sites. From these contents twenty-four questions were prepared and each was assigned a weight that was used in the calculation of the metric; the questions were grouped into skill sets and similar cognitive processes called categories. Were then developed two distinct environments: the first, the prototype features an interactive checklist and your individual results. And, second, a system of data management environment for the configuration and editing of the prototype, and the observation and analysis of the survey results. For prototype validation, were invited to access the virtual checklist and answer it, five professionals linked to Cemig's training area. The results confirmed the validity of this instrument application to assess the possible potential of modeling in 2D and RV as learning objects in power substations, as well as provide feedback to developers of virtual environments to improve the system.

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Desde la entrada en la escena política española de Podemos en las elecciones al Parlamento Europeo de mayo de 2014 y la reaparición de Ciudadanos en enero de 2015, se ha escrito mucho sobre las posibilidades de superar el bipartidismo en la representación parlamentaria en España.

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Esta investigación aborda el tema de la integración de elementos visuales en 2D y 3D, dentro del entorno de trabajo de posproducción y composición digital para medios audiovisuales, presentando un conjunto de prácticas, ejercicios y metodologías concretas, que permiten comprender el proceso de composición e integración, entre imágenes reales y gráficos generados por ordenador en 3D, así como la importante función que la posproducción desempeña en la producción audiovisual contemporánea.

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Peer reviewed

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In this article we investigate voter volatility and analyze the causes and motives of switching vote intentions. We test two main sets of variables linked to volatility in literature; political sophistication and ‘political (dis)satisfaction’. Results show that voters with low levels of political efficacy tend to switch more often, both within a campaign and between elections. In the analysis we differentiate between campaign volatility and inter-election volatility and by doing so show that the dynamics of a campaign have a profound impact on volatility. The campaign period is when the lowly sophisticated switch their vote intention. Those with higher levels of interest in politics have switched their intention before the campaign has started. The data for this analysis are from the three wave PartiRep Belgian Election Study (2009).

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An abundance of comparative survey research argues the presence of economic voting as an individual force in European elections, thereby refuting a possible ecological fallacy. But the hypothesis of economic voting at the aggregate level, with macroeconomics influencing overall electoral outcomes, seems less sure. Indeed, there might be a micrological fallacy at work, with the supposed individual economic vote effect not adding up to a national electoral effect after all. Certainly that would account for the spotty evidence linking macroeconomics and national election outcomes. We examine the possibility of a micrological fallacy through rigorous analysis of a large time-series cross-sectional dataset of European nations. From these results, it becomes clear that the macroeconomy strongly moves national election outcomes, with hard times punishing governing parties, and good times rewarding them. Further, this economy-election connection appears asymmetric, altering under economic crisis. Indeed, we show that economic crisis, defined as negative growth, has much greater electoral effects than positive economic growth. Hard times clearly make governments more accountable to their electorates.

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This paper uses empirical evidence to examine the operational dynamics and paradoxical nature of risk management systems in the banking sector. It demonstrates how a core paradox of market versus regulatory demands and an accompanying variety of performance, learning and belonging paradoxes underlie evident tensions in the interaction between front and back office staff in banks. Organisational responses to such paradoxes are found to range from passive to proactive, reflecting differing organisational, departmental and individual risk culture(s), and performance management systems. Nonetheless, a common feature of regulatory initiatives designed to secure a more structurally independent risk management function is that they have failed to rectify a critical imbalance of power - with the back office control functions continuing to be dominated by front office trading and investment functions. Ultimately, viewing the 'core' of risk management systems as a series of connected paradoxes rather than a set of assured, robust practices, requires a fundamental switch in emphasis away from a normative, standards-based approach to risk management to one which gives greater recognition to its behavioural dimensions.

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Depuis les années 2000, l’apparition du terme Bromance marque la culture populaire américaine. Cette notion est apparue pour définir les amitiés entre hommes au cinéma, à la télévision et sur Internet. Les films de Bromance, caractérisés par une multitude de scènes de déclaration d’amour entre hommes, traduisent bien cette nouvelle façon d’aborder l’amitié au masculin. À travers les définitions de la masculinité dans ces films, l’enjeu de l’hétérosexualité demeure omniprésent. Malgré la fragilisation de certains stéréotypes traditionnels liés au masculin, il n’en demeure pas moins que la notion de «vraie» masculinité persiste et demeure systématiquement liée à l’hétérosexualité des hommes qui partagent cette amitié particulière qu’on appelle Bromance. Dans cette optique, plusieurs stratégies se manifestent pour prouver la masculinité et donc l’hétérosexualité des protagonistes, mais l’une d’entre elles semble être au cœur de ces films. Cette stratégie s’incarne sous la forme d’une compétition entre hommes qui mise sur la capacité à performer un acte conventionnellement associé à l’homosexualité. Sur Internet, des vidéos qui prennent le nom « Gay Chicken » présentent des hommes qui s’embrassent et qui se touchent sans être dérangés ou ébranlés. C’est la capacité à être calme et en contrôle en restant insensible au corps d’un autre homme qui démontrerait le côté inébranlable de son hétérosexualité et donc de sa masculinité. C’est cet esprit du « Gay Chicken » qui se retrouve un peu partout dans l’univers des films de Bromance. Paradoxalement, ces nouveaux «modèles» d’homme doivent pouvoir à la fois incarner une masculinité plus flexible, plus ouverte et sensible, mais doivent également prouver leur virilité. Cette « masculinité contemporaine » brouille les cartes entre ce qui est viril et ce qui ne l’est pas, entre ce qui est féminin et ce qui ne l’est pas et entre ce qui est homosexuel et ce qui ne l’est pas. Les relations homosociales dans le cadre de Bromances présentent alors des opportunités indispensables pour prouver à tous la force de son hétérosexualité. Ce travail de recherche se penchera donc plus précisément sur les paradoxes d’une « masculinité contemporaine » intimement liée à l’orientation hétérosexuelle, par l’entremise de certains films issus de la culture populaire américaine associée à la Bromance. L’objectif est de montrer comment ces films sont des manifestations significatives d’une nouvelle forme d’affirmation identitaire masculine qui passe par des relations homosociales où les tensions et sous-textes homosexuels se multiplient et doivent être réprimés ou invalidés continuellement.

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Light confinement and controlling an optical field has numerous applications in the field of telecommunications for optical signals processing. When the wavelength of the electromagnetic field is on the order of the period of a photonic microstructure, the field undergoes reflection, refraction, and coherent scattering. This produces photonic bandgaps, forbidden frequency regions or spectral stop bands where light cannot exist. Dielectric perturbations that break the perfect periodicity of these structures produce what is analogous to an impurity state in the bandgap of a semiconductor. The defect modes that exist at discrete frequencies within the photonic bandgap are spatially localized about the cavity-defects in the photonic crystal. In this thesis the properties of two tight-binding approximations (TBAs) are investigated in one-dimensional and two-dimensional coupled-cavity photonic crystal structures We require an efficient and simple approach that ensures the continuity of the electromagnetic field across dielectric interfaces in complex structures. In this thesis we develop \textrm{E} -- and \textrm{D} --TBAs to calculate the modes in finite 1D and 2D two-defect coupled-cavity photonic crystal structures. In the \textrm{E} -- and \textrm{D} --TBAs we expand the coupled-cavity \overrightarrow{E} --modes in terms of the individual \overrightarrow{E} -- and \overrightarrow{D} --modes, respectively. We investigate the dependence of the defect modes, their frequencies and quality factors on the relative placement of the defects in the photonic crystal structures. We then elucidate the differences between the two TBA formulations, and describe the conditions under which these formulations may be more robust when encountering a dielectric perturbation. Our 1D analysis showed that the 1D modes were sensitive to the structure geometry. The antisymmetric \textrm{D} mode amplitudes show that the \textrm{D} --TBA did not capture the correct (tangential \overrightarrow{E} --field) boundary conditions. However, the \textrm{D} --TBA did not yield significantly poorer results compared to the \textrm{E} --TBA. Our 2D analysis reveals that the \textrm{E} -- and \textrm{D} --TBAs produced nearly identical mode profiles for every structure. Plots of the relative difference between the \textrm{E} and \textrm{D} mode amplitudes show that the \textrm{D} --TBA did capture the correct (normal \overrightarrow{E} --field) boundary conditions. We found that the 2D TBA CC mode calculations were 125-150 times faster than an FDTD calculation for the same two-defect PCS. Notwithstanding this efficiency, the appropriateness of either TBA was found to depend on the geometry of the structure and the mode(s), i.e. whether or not the mode has a large normal or tangential component.