The PCF and the question of intellectual workers : the crisis of social ideology

The aim of this thesis is to examine the approach of the Parti Communiste Francais (from 1956 to 1982) to the emergence of new strata of salaried `intellectual workers' (technicians, engineers, low to middle managers in industry and commerce, scientific researchers, teachers etc) parallelled by the gradual diminution of the traditional industrial working class which forms the core of the Party's support base. This examination is carried out in the context of the debate in France (initiated in the 1950s by social theorists of the Left) on the class membership and role of these strata. The reason for the emergence of such a debate is that in a society given to both a rapid evolution of its social structure and an increased polarisation between Left and Right, a precise knowledge of the objective and subjective determinations of new strata would enable parties to the Left to make proper distinctions between potential allies and adversaries. The thesis posits the view that the PCF has failed to make correct distinctions between its potential allies and adversaries and has thus pursued unsuccessful alliance strategies. The thesis contributes towards a scientifically-based understanding of one of the reasons governing the PCF's steady decline since the 1950s.

The directions taken by young people on leaving compulsory education:a study in two Birmingham schools

The thesis addresses the relative importance of factors affecting working-class school-leavers' post-compulsory education transitions into post-sixteen education, training, employment and unemployment. It focuses on school-leavers choosing to enter the labour market, whether successfully or not and the influences affecting this choice. Methodologically, the longitudinal approach followed young people from before they left school to a period of months after. Discrepancies between young people's intended and actual destinations emphasised the diverse influences on post-sixteen transitions. These influences were investigated through a dynamic multi-method approach, drawing from quantitative and qualitative methodologies providing depth and insight while locating the research within a structural framework, allowing a comparison with local and national trends. Two crucial factors of school and gender affected young people's intended and actual post-sixteen directions. School policy, including treatment of disaffected pupils and recruitment to a large, on-site sixth form, influenced the number of pupils opting to continue their education. Girls were more likely to continue education after the end of compulsory schooling and gave different reasons to boys for doing so. Family and peer groups were influential, helping young people develop a 'horizon for action' incorporating habitus and subjective preferences that specified acceptable post-sixteen directions. These influences operated within the context of the local labour market. Perception of the latter rather than actual conditions informed post-sixteen decisions; however, labour market reality influenced the success of the school-leavers' endeavours. The research found that the economics-based rational choice model of decision-making did not apply to many working class school-leavers. The cohort made pragmatically rational decisions dependent on their 'horizon for action'. based on partial, occasionally inaccurate information. Policy recommendations consider the careers service and structure or school sixth forms as aiding successful transitions from compulsory education into education, employment or training. The maintenance allowance may be ineffectual in tackling its objective of social inclusion.

Pupil resistance to their schooling experience

The thesis explores the nature of pupil resistance; it investigates what constitutes it and how it can be explained. Various ethnic and national group, male and female working-class resistance if analysed in two secondary schools in Birmingham (England) and one school in Sydney (Australia). It focuses on the pupils’ experience of school. ‘Compressed ethnographies’ (Walford and Miller, 1991) were conducted in each school to examine pupil resistance. The research found that structural societal state factors, regional, community and formal, informal and physical characteristics of each school, together with the teachers and pupils characteristics and background all influence resistance. The class, gender, ethnic and national identity of each pupil shapes resistance. In all three schools that were involved with the research, girls were more likely to exhibit overt, collective forms of resistance, whereas lads were more likely to operate alone. Islander pupils in Sydney and African-Caribbean kids in Birmingham were more likely to display engaged forms of resistance. Girls tended to show more engaged forms compared to their male counterparts across all ethnic and national cultures. Resistance is complex and dynamic, the definition alters depending upon context. Dimensions of resistance are developed; including overt, covert; individual, collective; intentional, unintentional; engaged and detached forms. Resistance operates within a structure and agency framework, the pupils can shape their own schooling experience mediated within the structures of their school, community and society. Some pupils manage their resources and the structures better than others; how the pupil manages and operates within the structures influences their resistance response. Resistance is contradictory and can reinforce the status quo. To fully understand resistance, it must be contextualised.

Education and racism:a study of the teachers' and the pupils' relations in the schooling of black boys

This thesis examines the teachers' and the pupils' relations in the schooling of black boys. The study using the methodology of participant observation focusses on one school (Kilby) in an area of black population in an English city. The thesis’s intentions are two fold: firstly, in order to examine these relations, two major aspects of their interaction are addressed, that of the absence of teachers from conventional 'race-relations' research, and, the identification and examination of the anti-school pupils' sub-cultures. Two substantive questions are asked: what is the response of the teachers to the schooling of black pupils? and, what is the meaning of the pupils' resistance to schooling? Secondly, in attempting to answer these questions and offer a critique of the dominant 'race-relations' culturalist explanation of black youth's response to schooling, a theoretical framework has been developed which takes account of both the 'economic' and the 'sociological' perspectives. Methodology allowed and pointed to the importance of examining the teachers' ideologies and practices as well as those of the black boys. It is argued that a class analysis of the racially structured British society is more adequate than the conventional ethnic approach in explaining the black boys' location within Kilby School. Hence, it is posited that the major problem in the schooling of black youth is not that of their culture but of racism, which pervasively structures the social reality at Kilby school. Racism is mediated both through the existing institutional framework that discriminates against working-class youth and through the operation of race specific mechanisms, such as the process of racist stereotyping. It is thus further argued that the Kilby school teachers are of central causal significance to the - problems that the boys encounter. Furthermore, it is in response to these racist ideologies and practices that both West Indian and Asian pupils develop specific forms of collective resistance, which are seen to be linked to the wider black community, as legitimate strategies of survival.

Peru’s Shining Path: Recent Dynamics and Future Prospects

Although soundly defeated in the early to mid-1990s, Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso) did not disappear. Over the past five years, it has reemerged in a substantially different form, with both a military and a political component. The organization, once again coordinated by jailed leader Abimael Guzmán Reynoso, has eschewed shorter-term military objectives in favor of a longer-term strategy of slowly rebuilding popular support and establishing a party within the Peruvian political system. In so doing, it has also moved from extreme Maoist ideological rigidity to a more pragmatic, though perhaps only tactical, approach. Financial support is derived once again from cocaine production and trafficking in the Upper Huallaga Valley (UHV). Although there may be some individual exceptions, Shining Path is not a narcoterrorist organization. At the same time, Sendero is still very small, in no way a threat to the Peruvian state, and divided. The Lima-based political organization and the military wing in the UHV continue to follow Guzmán‟s leadership, while the Apurímac-Ene Valleys (VRAE) group remains committed to the armed struggle. The Government of Peru (GOP) response to date, both military and civilian, has been inadequate. VRAE military operations are hampered by poor leadership, ill-trained troops, and an outdated strategy. VRAE development resources have been cut, and the long-promised paved road remains in the planning stage. Without significant GOP adjustments, Shining Path is likely to continue to grow.

The Relevance of Marxist Academics

This commentary examines the relationship between a Marxist scholar and the institutional and societal environment of the university. The focus is on how a Marxist academic navigates the social, economic and political aspects of the university while attempting to maintain a commitment to class analysis and Marxism as political practice.

A céu aberto: garimpando a memória e a identidade dos mineradores de Brejuí

The Brejuí Mine, situated in the municipality of Currais Novos (RN), was responsible for the local economy growth between the years of 1943 and 1990, causing the interest of miner's working class to its urban center. After the end of scheelita extraction, the mine became a "theme park", in 2004. The company left its mark on the city by building several monuments in reference to the mining activity and the company's founder, Tomaz Salustino. However, there are no written records that describe such activities on its early years, nor their pioneers in the mining subject. Therefore, it is important to investigate the miner’s memories and ask if, along the more than five decades that lasted the heyday of mining, an identity linked to the profession was built; the extent to which workers make reference to this history as membersand what are the symbols that are being triggered in the development of a working class identity. Further, I investigate what memory was mad concerning the pioneers, mostly farmers attracted by miner work. To do so, I make use of audiovisual archival resources and oral records of the interlocutors that were filmed in the preparations of the documentary “Lembranças de velhos garimpeiros". We have noticed that, in the script of the official history of the Brejuí Mine, the "boss" figure overlaps the workers and that the forms patronage, originated from the rural world, followed punctuating the social relations in the mine. Today, with the resumption of the mining activity, it is possible that the strengthening of the working class and the Seridó miner identity desire reborn.

Projeto ético-político do serviço social e organização política da categoria: dilemas e tensões contemporâneas

The present study was to apprehend the controversies that underlie the political organization of the category nowadays. The research established time frame as the decade from 2003 to 2013, more precisely the situation that opens with Lula's election to the Presidency and its repercussions for the Brazilian left, social movements and for the category. Through documentary research, we studied the professional aspects that are organized politically in different fields , notably the Federal Council of Social Service (CFESS) and the National Federation of Social Workers (FENAS). Seeking to understand their relationship with the Ethical - Political Project of the profession, public documents were analyzed expressing the political positions of these entities, placing the controversies and political differences between them and understanding the political organization as a means to building professionals and corporate projects many.

Violência contra mulher: expressões da opressão às mulheres sob a égide do capitalismo e do patriarcado

This dissertation is the result of a research process that sought , from the speech of women in situations of violence , examine the difficulties these women to access the "network " of assistance to women victims of violence in the city of Natal/RN . Therefore , we made a critical analysis from the perspective of totality on the processual ontological " being a woman " and " be a man " , articulating the determinations of the subjective and objective dimensions in the lives of women at this juncture . Thus , also reflecting on the system of oppression of women through Capitalism / Patriarchate , articulated with other determinations of reality , as race / ethnicity , sexual orientation , generation and territoriality . Because of the oppression of women in all aspects of social life , the feminist movement led to the public domain claims against the oppressions of women and fight for Public Social Policies that aim to the particularities of women , among them, the social policies of coping violence against women . The speeches of the women interviewed show the contradictory aspect of work in women's lives . On the one hand , can become a means to financial independence ( with the possibility of exit from violent means). On the other , it can become "cause " of justification for the exercise of violence against women by their partners or former partners . Also show that despite legal advances , there is no effective implementation of policies aimed at women . This occurs as a result of capitalism / patriarchy and the context of neoliberal management of big capital . Thus , the feminist movement , as well as the social movement of the working class , must seek the empowerment of women through the struggle to end all forms of oppression , exploitation and domination among humans.

Do trabalho de Deus... Adeus ao trabalho? Ontologia, precarização, controle do trabalho e fetichismo em A caverna de José Saramago

The aim of this study is to undertake a theoretical analysis of the literary and sociological Cave, Jose Saramago, having as main theme the precariousness of work and control, followed by some key developments. Anchored in the sociology of work and endorsed by the sociology of literature methodologically by Antonio Candido, and guided by the narrative Saramago in the cave, seeking to understand the work activity as central and essential to the production and reproduction of material life. It discusses the precariousness of work, as well as the historical forms of ownership and control of labor activity. Scales the impact of large corporations that control and the conflict between mechanized and manual labor in the process, questioning the nefarious effects of the restructuring of the productive working class, especially on small businesses and craft work. It also addresses the rise of a category gestorial in the process of labor control throughout history Finally, invoking the metaphor of Plato\'s cave in this work Saramago, explores how labor control by large corporations causes the estrangement in all dimensions of life, establishing relationships between fetishism, consumer relations and sociability.

"I’m complicit and I’m ambivalent and that’s crazy":care-less spaces for women in the academy

This paper is about three working class women academics in their 40s, who are at different phases in their career. I take a reflexive, feminist, (Reay 2000, 2004, Ribbens and Edwards 1998) life story approach (Plummer, 2001) in order to understand their particular narratives about identity, complicity, relationships and discomfort within the academy, and then how they inhabit care-less spaces. However unique their narratives, I am able to explore an aspect of higher education – women and their working relationships – through a lens of care-less spaces, and argue that care-less-ness in the academy, can create and reproduce animosity and collusion. Notably, this is damaging for intellectual pursuits, knowledge production and markedly, the identity of woman academics. In introducing this work, I first contextualise women in the academy and define the term care-less spaces, then move onto discuss feminist methods. I then explore and critique in some detail, the substantive findings under the headings of ‘complicity and ‘faking’ it’ and ‘publishing and collaboration’. The final section concludes the paper by drawing on Herring’s (2013) legal premise, in the context of care ethics, as a way to interrogate particular care-less spaces within higher education.

La escuela con los pies en el aire. Hacer escuela, entre la desigualdad y la emancipación

El propósito de este trabajo de investigación es relevar la experiencia de una escuela pública del distrito de La Matanza, en el conurbano bonaerense. Esta institución enclavada en una zona popular, Villa Scasso, fue creada hace trece años y atiende a una población infantil y juvenil de educación especial. El motivo de la investigación no se centra en la especificidad de este campo educativo sino en el proceso de construcción de una propuesta pedagógica que tensiona las formas escolares, amplía las fronteras educativas y transforma el tiempo y el espacio escolar. La atención de la presente indagación está puesta en problematizar la relación de la educación con la desigualdad y la igualdad, con el objetivo de abrir nuevos interrogantes sobre el carácter de determinación que se le otorga a la pobreza, la marginalidad y la exclusión en el terreno educativo, en particular en su relación con las escuelas de sectores populares. Las infancias populares acceden a circuitos de escolarización diferenciados, pero su carácter reproductor y/o emancipador configura un discurso que no se clausura a priori. Esta tesis doctoral abre interrogantes sobre esta problemática y documenta una experiencia educativa que "hace escuela" de manera "especial"

La escuela con los pies en el aire. Hacer escuela, entre la desigualdad y la emancipación

El propósito de este trabajo de investigación es relevar la experiencia de una escuela pública del distrito de La Matanza, en el conurbano bonaerense. Esta institución enclavada en una zona popular, Villa Scasso, fue creada hace trece años y atiende a una población infantil y juvenil de educación especial. El motivo de la investigación no se centra en la especificidad de este campo educativo sino en el proceso de construcción de una propuesta pedagógica que tensiona las formas escolares, amplía las fronteras educativas y transforma el tiempo y el espacio escolar. La atención de la presente indagación está puesta en problematizar la relación de la educación con la desigualdad y la igualdad, con el objetivo de abrir nuevos interrogantes sobre el carácter de determinación que se le otorga a la pobreza, la marginalidad y la exclusión en el terreno educativo, en particular en su relación con las escuelas de sectores populares. Las infancias populares acceden a circuitos de escolarización diferenciados, pero su carácter reproductor y/o emancipador configura un discurso que no se clausura a priori. Esta tesis doctoral abre interrogantes sobre esta problemática y documenta una experiencia educativa que "hace escuela" de manera "especial"

La escuela con los pies en el aire. Hacer escuela, entre la desigualdad y la emancipación

El propósito de este trabajo de investigación es relevar la experiencia de una escuela pública del distrito de La Matanza, en el conurbano bonaerense. Esta institución enclavada en una zona popular, Villa Scasso, fue creada hace trece años y atiende a una población infantil y juvenil de educación especial. El motivo de la investigación no se centra en la especificidad de este campo educativo sino en el proceso de construcción de una propuesta pedagógica que tensiona las formas escolares, amplía las fronteras educativas y transforma el tiempo y el espacio escolar. La atención de la presente indagación está puesta en problematizar la relación de la educación con la desigualdad y la igualdad, con el objetivo de abrir nuevos interrogantes sobre el carácter de determinación que se le otorga a la pobreza, la marginalidad y la exclusión en el terreno educativo, en particular en su relación con las escuelas de sectores populares. Las infancias populares acceden a circuitos de escolarización diferenciados, pero su carácter reproductor y/o emancipador configura un discurso que no se clausura a priori. Esta tesis doctoral abre interrogantes sobre esta problemática y documenta una experiencia educativa que "hace escuela" de manera "especial"

Looking Beyond ‘White Slavery’: Trafficking, the Jewish Association’s representation of ‘the potential victim’, and the dangerous politics of migration control in England, 1890-1910

This article seeks to revise Jo Doezema’s suggestion that ‘the white slave’ was the only dominant representation of ‘the trafficked woman’ used by early anti-trafficking advocates in Europe and the United States, and that discourses based on this figure of injured innocence are the only historical discourses that are able to shine light on contemporary anti-trafficking rhetoric. ‘The trafficked woman’ was a figure painted using many shades of grey in the past, with a number of injurious consequences, not only for trafficked persons but also for female labour migrants and migrant populations at large. In England, dominant organizational portrayals of ‘the trafficked woman’ had first acquired these shades by the 1890s, when trafficking started to proliferate amid mass migration from Continental Europe, and when controversy began to mount over the migration to the country of various groups of working-class foreigner. The article demonstrates these points by exploring the way in which the Jewish Association for the Protection of Girls and Women (JAPGW), one of the pillars of England’s early anti-trafficking movement, represented the female Jewish migrants it deemed at risk from being trafficked into sex work between 1890 and 1910. It argues that the JAPGW stigmatised these women, placing most of the onus for trafficking upon them and positioning them to a greater or a lesser extent as ‘undesirable and undeserving working-class foreigners’ who could never become respectable English women. It also contends that the JAPGW, in outlining what was wrong with certain female migrants, drew a line between ‘the migrant’ and respectable English society at large, and paradoxically endorsed the extension of the very ‘anti-alienist’ and Antisemitic prejudices that it strove to dispel.