Violent Dissent and Rebellion in Africa

This article analyzes how the selection process for the executive affects the risk of rebellion and insurgencies in sub-Saharan Africa between 1971 and 1995. Four executive recruitment processes are distinguished, which are characteristic for the African context: (1) a process without elections, (2) single candidate elections, (3) single party, multiple candidate elections, and (4) multiparty executive elections. The results suggest that single candidate elections and multiparty elections substantially reduce the risk of insurgencies compared to systems without any kind of executive elections. They further show that during times of political instability the risk of large-scale violent dissent increases substantially. The article supports findings of the civil war literature that higher levels of income are associated with a lower risk of intrastate violence, while oil-exporting countries are at a higher risk of rebellion. In short, this article further strengthens the need to use more specific measures of elements of political regimes, which also take into account regional particularities, in order to paint a more informative picture of how political structures influence the risk of internal violence.

Wstępne uwagi o powszechnym głosowaniu korespondencyjnym w wyborach prezydenckich w 2015 r. (wybrane zagadnienia)

Instytucja mężów zaufania, często określana mianem „niemych obserwatorów wyborów”, traktowana jest z dużym dystansem i budzi wśród przedstawicieli doktryny prawa konstytucyjnego, jak również świata polityki, wiele wątpliwości. Zadaniem mężów zaufania jest reprezentowanie podczas wyborów interesu kandydata, bądź listy kandydatów, przed komisją wyborczą i czuwanie nad prawidłowym przebiegiem czynności wyborczych, w tym przede wszystkim zliczaniem głosów i ustalaniem wyników wyborów. Ma zatem istotne znaczenie dla zapewnienia rzetelności i uczciwości procedur wyborczych, jak również poszanowania podstawowych zasad prawa wyborczego, w szczególności zasady powszechności i wolności wyborów oraz tajności głosowania. Niestety w Kodeksie wyborczym uregulowana jest stosunkowo fragmentarycznie, zaś jej dookreślenie znajduje się w wytycznych Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej. Przed wyborami pojawiają się również różne (opracowywane najczęściej przez partie polityczne) instrukcje, określane także mianem vademecum, czy poradniki dla mężów zaufania, których treść może budzić wątpliwości. Wywołuje to potrzebę debaty przedstawicieli doktryny i polityków nad funkcjami i konstrukcją prawną instytucji mężów zaufania w polskim prawie wyborczym, jak i stosownymi jego zmianami.

The Demobilized Body: Transgressions of Personal Space and Political Participation

Grounded in the intersection between gender politics and electoral studies, this dissertation examines the demobilizing effects of violations of personal space (in the form of domestic violence, control over mobility, emotional abuse, and sexual harassment) on the propensity to vote. Using quantitative methods across four survey datasets concerning Lebanon, the United States, Morocco, and Yemen, this research concludes that cross-regionally, familial control over mobility reduces the propensity to vote among women. Conversely, mechanisms of empowerment such as education and employment increase the propensity to vote.

Who Governs Educational Change? The Paradoxes of State Power and the Pursuit of Educational Reform in Post-Neoliberal Ecuador (2007-2015)

This study identifies and compares competing policy stories of key actors involved in the Ecuadorian education reform under President Rafael Correa from 2007-2015. By revealing these competing policy stories the study generates insights into the political and technical aspects of education reform in a context where state capacity has been eroded by decades of neoliberal policies. Since the elections in 2007, President Correa has focused much of his political effort and capital on reconstituting the state’s authority and capacity to not only formulate but also implement public policies. The concentration of power combined with a capacity building agenda allowed the Correa government to advance an ambitious comprehensive education reform with substantive results in equity and quality. At the same time the concentration of power has undermined a more inclusive and participatory approach which are essential for deepening and sustaining the reform. This study underscores both the limits and importance of state control over education; the inevitable conflicts and complexities associated with education reforms that focus on quality; and the limits and importance of participation in reform. Finally, it examines the analytical benefits of understanding governance, participation and quality as socially constructed concepts that are tied to normative and ideological interests.

‘DEVOTED TO THE INTERESTS OF HIS RACE’: BLACK OFFICEHOLDERS AND THE POLITICAL CULTURE OF FREEDOM IN WILMINGTON, NORTH CAROLINA, 1865-1877

This dissertation examines black officeholding in Wilmington, North Carolina, from emancipation in 1865 through 1876, when Democrats gained control of the state government and brought Reconstruction to an end. It considers the struggle for black office holding in the city, the black men who held office, the dynamic political culture of which they were a part, and their significance in the day-to-day lives of their constituents. Once they were enfranchised, black Wilmingtonians, who constituted a majority of the city’s population, used their voting leverage to negotiate the election of black men to public office. They did so by using Republican factionalism or what the dissertation argues was an alternative partisanship. Ultimately, it was not factional divisions, but voter suppression, gerrymandering, and constitutional revisions that made local government appointive rather than elective, Democrats at the state level chipped away at the political gains black Wilmingtonians had made.

Social Mobility and Demand for Redistribution. A Comparative Analysis

The literature on preferences for redistribution has paid little attention to the effect of social mobility on the demand for redistribution, which is in contrast with the literature on class-voting, where studies on the effect of social mobility has been very common. Some works have addressed this issue but no systematic test of the hypotheses connecting social mobility and preferences has been done. In this paper we use the diagonal reference models to estimate the effect of origin and destination class on preferences for redistribution in a sample of European countries using data from the European Social Survey. Our findings indicate that social origin matters to a little extent to explain preferences, as newcomers tend to adopt the preferences of the destination class. Moreover, we have found only limited evidence supporting the acculturation hypothesis and not support for the status maximization hypothesis. Furthermore, the effect of social origin varies largely between countries. In a second step of the analysis we investigate what are the national factors explaining this variation. The empirical evidence we present leads to conclude that high rates of upward social mobility sharply reduce the effect of social origin on preferences for redistribution

Ecclesia triumphans? Sectarianism and the Maronite Community 1943-1975

Durante la Segunda República Libanesa (1943-1975) existía la percepción de que la comunidad maronita era la secta dominante del país y ostentaba un papel casi hegemónico dentro del marco confesional del Estado. Mediante el análisis de tres acontecimientos históricos clave (la “Revolución del Agua de Rosas” de 1952, la crisis de 1958 y las elecciones presidenciales de 1970), este ensayo tratará de probar que la comunidad maronita no ostentaba un control desproporcionado sobre la política libanesa y que el sectarianismo no era el factor predominante y definitorio de su sistema político, sino uno más entre otros lazos tradicionales, cuya influencia era aún mayor.

Selection and Passage of County Land Preservation Voter Referendum: The Role of Government

County jurisdictions in America are increasingly exercising self-government in the provision of public community services through the context of second order federalism. In states exercising this form of contemporary governance, county governments with “reformed” policy-making structures and professional management practices, have begun to rival or surpass municipalities in the delivery of local services with regional implications such as environmental protection (Benton 2002, 2003; Marando and Reeves, 1993). The voter referendum, a form of direct democracy, is an important component of county land preservation and environmental protection governmental policies. The recent growth and success of land preservation voter referendums nationwide reflects an increase in citizen participation in government and their desire to protect vacant land and its natural environment from threats of over-development, urbanization and sprawl, loss of open space and farmland, deterioration of ecosystems, and inadequate park and recreational amenities. The study’s design employs a sequential, mixed method. First, a quantitative approach employs the Heckman two-step model. It is fitted with variables for the non-random sample of 227 voter referendum counties and all non-voter referendum counties in the U.S. from 1988 to 2009. Second, the qualitative data collected from the in-depth investigation of three South Florida county case studies with twelve public administrator interviews is transformed for integration with the quantitative findings. The purpose of the qualitative method is to complement, explain and enrich the statistical analysis of county demographic, socio-economic, terrain, regional, governance and government, political preference, environmentalism, and referendum-specific factors. The research finds that government factors are significant in terms of the success of land preservation voter referendums; more specifically, the presence of self-government authority (home rule charter), a reformed structure (county administrator/manager or elected executive), and environmental interest groups. In addition, this study concludes that successful counties are often located coastal, exhibit population and housing growth, and have older and more educated citizens who vote democratic in presidential elections. The analysis of case study documents and public administrator interviews finds that pragmatic considerations of timing, local politics and networking of regional stakeholders are also important features of success. Further research is suggested utilizing additional public participation, local government and public administration factors.

ABSENTEE VOTING In South Carolina

This paper covers the topics: reasons to vote absentee, absentee voting at the county voter registration office, absentee voting by mail and military and overseas citizens

VOTING In South Carolina

This paper explains the voting process including: voting at the polling place, voting absentee, provisional ballots, photo ID requirements, curbside voting, assistance with voting, lost voter registration card and voters without photo ID.

1-2-3 VOTE : How To Use South Carolina’s Voting System

This paper describes, with pictures, how to use voting machines and how to cast your vote.

El voto electrónico en Colombia: análisis de viabilidad de su implementación

La implementación del voto electrónico en Colombia, mandato legal originado en la Ley 892 de 2004 en desarrollo del artículo 258 de la Constitución Política de Colombia, es el tema del presente trabajo, en el cual se hace un compendio histórico de la evolución del voto en Colombia, pasando a establecer los avances en el cumplimiento de la llamada por muchos “Ley de Voto Electrónico”, haciendo un recorrido por las actividades realizadas por la Organización Electoral, en especial, por la Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil, entidad gubernamental cabeza del proceso, donde se han cumplido algunas tareas encaminadas inicialmente a la realización de la prueba piloto que permita tomar experiencias para la implementación de dicho mecanismo. Así mismo, se hace una descripción de las dificultades tanto en Colombia como en otros países del mundo que han implementado el voto electrónico o lo están considerando. Un aspecto fundamental en el análisis son los estudios que tanto defensores como contradictores de este mecanismo de votación hacen, encontrando que con la misma fuerza se defiende y se ataca y que no hay una posición única, quizá la coincidencia está en que es un proceso que requiere de un alto grado de confianza de los actores involucrados, puesto que es lo que logra legitimarlo. Finalizando con las conclusiones, que dan cuenta de la realidad respecto a la viabilidad de la implementación del voto electrónico en Colombia.

Transferencia del voto en las regiones : redes electorales nacionales y territoriales del Partido de la U en Córdoba y Sucre

La presente investigación pretende determinar la influencia de la transferencia de voto en los resultados de los distintos niveles de elección, nacional y territorial, del Partido de La U en Córdoba y Sucre entre 2010 y 2015. Se analiza cómo la construcción de redes y alianzas electorales entre los caciques de región y los candidatos da paso a la formación de potentes clanes políticos, capaces de movilizar al electorado más allá del partidismo o de la política personalista. Así, a través del análisis comparado de los resultados electorales, el trabajo de archivo y la cartografía electoral, se estudian las estructuras de poder propias de dos departamentos en los que la política es el resultado de competencias o acuerdos entre familias políticas, que utilizan las elecciones como herramienta para establecer dinámicas de grupos que le dan sentido al sistema político local.

Bank Governance and the Bail-in in the EU. A Law & Finance analysis on the role of bail-inable creditors

This dissertation assesses the impact of the EU Directive on Bank Recovery and Resolution (BRRD) on bank corporate governance and investigates a fundamental question. Can the resolution framework for distressed banks enhance the quality of banks’ decision making? According to the Directive, the Resolution Authority can impose losses on bank’s creditors in case of distress through a bail-in. Bail-inable creditors become residual claimants of the bank, contingent on its distress. The first part of the dissertation establishes an analytical framework for bank governance, starting from the problem of what can be defined as “good governance” in banking. The dissertation hypothesizes that governance regulation represents a necessary link between the incentives of corporate constituencies and the goals of substantive regulation. The second part builds upon this analytical framework and carries out a positive analysis encompassing three channels of debt governance; namely, price internalisation of risk; contractual arrangements and the discrete impact of different type of creditors. The existence of a resolution framework should incentivise bail-inable creditors to better discipline the borrowing bank; yet, the design of both the capital and resolution regulation largely foreclose such possibility to creditors. Against this backdrop, the third part of the dissertation moves to normative considerations. The approach to this normative part combines and complements the study of cash flow rights of the management with the study of the voting rights to bail-inable creditors. On the cash flow side, the dissertation proposes to include bail-inable debt as part of the variable remuneration for bank risk-takers. On the voting right, the proposal is to grant a limited basket of ex-ante governance rights to bail-inable creditors. Such a unified approach is rather uncommon in the literature, where cash flow rights and voting rights are often approached separately whereas those complement each other in the dissertation.

Cleavage Politics in Changing Times. Political Realignment Processes in Western European Countries

The dissertation fits the political realignment literature and aims to pro-vide further insights into cleavage politics by investigating voting behaviour in the Western European countries’ national elections. In particular, the dis-sertation focuses on the class and value voting patterns and on the change of these patterns in different countries and over the course of time. Peculiar pro-cesses affected all Western European party systems: whilst the «traditional» cleavage theory accounts for National and Industrial revolutions, those pro-cesses assumed to constitute the «societal modernization» determined chang-es in electoral competitions that questioned the relevance of individuals’ so-cial positions to study electoral preferences. Since the associations between social positions and voting behaviour underpin the so-called political cleav-age, the dealignment perspective assumes them to have been eroding since the second half of the XX century. On the other hand, the realignment perspective argues that the cleavage theory still accounts for individuals’ vote choices: of the four «traditional» cleavages, this perspective hypothesizes new class vot-ing patterns and alignments between electoral preferences and a new line of conflict, that is based on values. The dissertation provides a theoretical ac-count of the realignment of the class cleavage and a new conceptualization of value voting. Then, class and value voting patterns are explored. The analyses employ European Social Survey data and detect general and country-specific patterns. The dissertation adopts a mediation perspective and aims to observe how class voting patterns change when controlling for value orientations. The results are provided with a sensitivity analysis, indeed two versions of the measures computed for value orientations are compared. The findings show that social class continues to affect voting behaviour and that value orienta-tions both mediate this effect and affect electoral preferences.