849 resultados para Urban-rural Differences
Resumo:
The lack of public-mindedness can cause problems in the social order of people’s daily lives, such as the tragedy of the commons and the problem of free riders. Some scholars such as Habermas assert that communicative rationality is the solution, expecting that individuals will communicate with each other to reach a consensus without being bounded by aspects of social background. Other scholars advocate the revitalization of traditional community culture. These arguments, however, are not based on reality. By using the case of communal land formation in rural Thailand, the author shows that collective action is neither a revival of tradition nor a result of communication free from social constraints. Rather, cooperation emerges because the people rationally respond to their present needs and have built, through daily social interactions, taken-for-granted knowledge about how they should behave for cooperation.
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This paper analyzes the causes of earnings inequality in urban China from 1988 to 2002. Earnings inequality in urban China continuously increased, even when adjusting for regional price differences. This paper reveals how the causes of earnings inequality changed between the periods 1988-1995 and 1995-2002 by reflecting labor-related institutional reform in China. Contrary to the situation from 1988 to 1995, between 1995 and 2002, employment status became the largest disequalizer, and the decline of inter-provincial inequality contributed to a reduction in entire earnings inequality. Individual ability, represented by education and occupation, received much greater rewards. Throughout the period from 1988 to 2002, a large part of the explained inequality increase was due to change in price (valuation of each individual's attributes) and not due to change in quantity (composition of individual attributes).
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The recent revolts of the middle class in the national capitals of the Philippines and Thailand have raised a new question about democratic consolidation. Why would the urban middle class, which is expected to stabilize democracy, expel the democratically elected leaders through extra-constitutional action? This article seeks to explain such middle class deviation from democratic institutions through an examination of urban primacy and the change in the winning coalition. The authoritarian regime previously in power tended to give considerable favor to the primate city to prevent it revolting against the ruler, because it could have become a menace to his power. But after democratization the new administration shifts policy orientation from an urban to rural bias because it needs to garner support from rural voters to win elections. Such a shift dissatisfies the middle class in the primate city. In this article I take up the Philippines as a case study to examine this theory.
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This paper attempts to describe part of the history of Chinese rural migration to urban industrial areas. Using a case study of a township in Sichuan, the author examines a type of rural development which she defines as a "bottom-up" style strategy of regional development. Different types of social mobility are observed in the case study, and over its long history, migration in the township has offered diverse means of social mobility to the local peasants. The paper concludes by considering the diversity and limits of Chinese social mobility at this stage.
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Using data from a self-administered survey of 1,017 households we assess the long-term impact of establishing a special economic zone, on those who are exogenously selected to be displaced. We find those who are displaced suffer from lower land compensation and lack of adequate property rights. There is also some evidence of lower labour market participation among those who are displaced. However, in the long term, across measurable welfare indicators, we do not find that displaced households are significantly different from other households. One source of this resilience is through employment at the special economic zone – which is higher among displaced households compared to other households. Another factor that contributed to the absence of differences is spill-over effects; which made access to employment, education and other facilities about homogenous across displaced and non-displaced households.
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Urban agriculture in Lima has been promoted by the project Farmers in the city encompassed in the Urban harvest program promoted by the Consultive Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR). The validation of the effectiveness of the project Farmers in the city can only be confirmed by maintenance over the time the deployment of the project goals. The project Farmers in the city was carried out by the International Potato Center (CIP) and GESPLAN research group of the Technical University of Madrid. The project was conducted at the East Cone of Lima, Peru, from 2006 to 2008. This communication shows the situation 5 years later. In order to know the current situation all the members of Cosanaca producer association, which was created under the project, have been interviewed. Besides, an expert panel was carried out with the responsible of the urban agricultural office of the municipalities that participate in the project. The results show that Cosanaca has duplicated the number of producers and that the municipalities have increased the number of workers.
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Urban Agriculture was a common practice in the old times. However after a period of low interest by urban population there is a movement of renaissance of urban agriculture especially in the new megalopolis. It is important to understand the role of UA in the new framework, and the interface of urban and rural agricultures, with their comparative advantages. Thus, we describe the impact of UA in several scenarios: political, socioeconomic and environmental. As a consequence several actions should be developed for improving the situation, with the stimulus to UA: urban planning, food value chain, appropriate technology, education and extension services, entertainment and leisure, selection of botanic varieties and agrochemical inputs, design and landscape and good farming practices. As a complement, there is an analysis of the Urban Greening Value Organization in our society. In the paper there is a description of the situation of urban agriculture in Spain (located mainly in roofs, walls, indoor and ground places) the existence of local regulations, barriers and opportunities in the new situation. Due to the social dimension of urban agriculture there are some comments about the role of the more significant stakeholders, and the goals and the structure of the neighbor communities.
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The third Training School of the Action took place in Vitoria-Gasteiz (Basque country, Spain) from 24th to 26th September 2014. Vitoria-Gateiz has experimented an important urban outgrowth in the last decade, mainly through the planning and development of two new neighborhoods, Zabalgana and Salburúa, situated at the eastern and western border of the city, by the Greenbelt. These new development are well-equipped and designed according to sustainability principles. Nevertheless, among the main problems they present is their over-dimensioned public space, which creates some areas lacking enough density and mix of uses. On the other hand it is very expensive for the municipality to maintain these public space with the high Vitorian urban standards for public space. The proposed solution for this problem is a strategy of "re-densification" through the insertion of new uses The debate has arisen about which are the most adequate uses to insert in order to get an increasing of urban vitality, specially considering that housing has reached its peak and that Vitoria-Gasteiz is well served with social and sport amenities. The main goal of the TS was to offer an opportunity for the reflection about how urban agriculture might be an optimal alternative for the re-qualifying of this over-dimensioned public space in the new neighbourhoods, especially considering it synergic potential as a tool for production, leisure and landscaping, including the possibility of energy crops within the limits of urban space. Continuity with rural and natural surrounding area through alternatives for urban fringe at the small scale is a relevant issue to be considered as well within the reflection. Taking Zabalgana neighbourhood as a practical field for experiment, the Training School is conceived as a practical and intensive design charrette to be held during a whole day after two days of local knowledge-deepening through field visits and presentations.
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Pseudo-total (i.e. aqua regia extractable) and gastric-bioaccessible (i.e. glycine + HCl extractable) concentrations of Ca, Co, Cr, Cu, Fe, Mn, Ni, Pb and Zn were determined in a total of 48 samples collected from six community urban gardens of different characteristics in the city of Madrid (Spain). Calcium carbonate appears to be the soil property that determines the bioaccessibility of a majority of those elements, and the lack of influence of organic matter, pH and texture can be explained by their low levels in the samples (organic matter) or their narrow range of variation (pH and texture). A conservative risk assessment with bioaccessible concentrations in two scenarios, i.e. adult urban farmers and children playing in urban gardens, revealed acceptable levels of risk, but with large differences between urban gardens depending on their history of land use and their proximity to busy areas in the city center. Only in a worst-case scenario in which children who use urban gardens as recreational areas also eat the produce grown in them would the risk exceed the limits of acceptability
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En Ecuador el maíz es el cultivo más importante en superficie y es base de la alimentación para la población rural que vive en los Andes. A diferencia de lo que sucede en la Costa, en la región Sierra todavía se cultivan numerosas variedades tradicionales que se agrupan en veinticuatro razas. Mantener esta diversidad es, pues, de gran importancia no solo para la seguridad alimentaria, sino también como fuente de genes para tolerancia a factores abióticos que podrían ser incorporados a las variedades modernas. Si bien parte de esta diversidad fue recolectada a mediados del siglo pasado y está siendo conservada en distintos bancos de germoplasma, es deseable que su conservación in situ también esté asegurada, entre otras razones, porque de esta manera el cultivo puede seguir evolucionando. Para poder implementar un plan de conservación en finca que contribuya a preservar este patrimonio, resulta imprescindible identificar áreas idóneas donde concentrar los recursos y conocer las características y tipologías de los agricultores que manejan la diversidad actual. Generar esta información es el objetivo principal de esta investigación y para lograrlo se han llevado a cabo cuatro estudios: (1) Análisis de la diversidad a nivel de razas e identificación de áreas de alta riqueza de razas, alta diversidad morfológica y/o alta diversidad ecogeográfica en la Sierra de Ecuador, (2) Identificación del perfil y las características de los agricultores que conservan y manejan las variedades tradicionales de maíz en la Sierra de Ecuador, (3) Análisis del conocimiento local, manejo y usos de variedades tradicionales de maíz en la Sierra de Ecuador, y (4) Identificación de áreas de alta diversidad y bajo riesgo de pérdida para la conservación en finca de maíz en la Sierra de Ecuador. Para el primer estudio se visitaron 303 fincas distribuidas a lo largo de la Sierra y se recolectaron 636 muestras que fueron caracterizadas morfológicamente mediante 14 variables: 8 relacionadas con la mazorca (forma, longitud y diámetro de la mazorca, color y diámetro de olote y número y disposición de hileras) y 7 referidas el grano (número total de granos, color, forma, longitud, anchura y grosor de grano y tipo de endospermo). Adicionalmente, las fincas donde se tomaron las muestras fueron caracterizadas ecogeográficamente mediante 5 variables climáticas (temperatura media estacional, rango de temperatura media anual, temperatura mínima de diciembre, precipitación estacional y precipitación de octubre), 2 geofísicas (altitud y pendiente) y 5 edáficas (textura principal del suelo, profundidad a roca, pH, contenido en materia orgánica y fertilidad). A partir de esta información y mediante técnicas de sistemas de información geográfica (SIG), se generaron mapas de distribución por raza en formato vectorial y un mapa de riqueza de razas, un mapa de diversidad morfológica y un mapa de diversidad ecogeográfica en formato ráster con celdas de 10 km x 10 km. Los resultados permitieron constatar que, en los últimos 60 años, no se ha perdido ninguna raza. Sin embargo, Canguil, Chaucho y Clavito han dejado de cultivarse en algunas provincias con la consiguiente erosión genética del cultivo. La caracterización morfológica detectó diferencias en el grado de variabilidad intra-raza, siendo Patillo Ecuatoriano, Racimo de Uva y Uchima las razas más heterogéneas tanto para los caracteres cualitativos como cuantitativos. A nivel climático y geofísico, también se detectaron diferencias en el grado de variación intra-raza; Cuzco Ecuatoriano, Kcello Ecuatoriano y Montaña Ecuatoriana fueron las razas que en promedio presentaron mayores rangos y coeficientes de variación para estas variables ecogeográficas. En cuanto a las condiciones edáficas todas las razas, excepto Cónico Dentado, presentaron una gran heterogeneidad, pudiendo crecer tanto en suelos ricos como pobres, con valores de pH entre ácido y moderadamente alcalino. La comparación entre razas reveló diferencias significativas en los rangos ambientales de algunas razas como Cónico Dentado, que tiende a cultivarse a menor altitud y, por tanto, en ambientes menos fríos y de mayor precipitación que Blanco Blandito, Patillo Ecuatoriano, Sabanero Ecuatoriano, Uchima y Zhima. Para la mayoría de las razas se encontraron materiales potencialmente adaptados a condiciones de estrés (precipitación estacional inferior a 500 mm y suelos con pH entre 4.5 y 5.5). Finalmente, los mapas de riqueza, de diversidad morfológica y de diversidad ecogeográfica mostraron 36 celdas de alta diversidad repartidas en las 10 provincias de la Sierra: 11 celdas en las provincias del norte, 11 en las provincias del centro y 14 en las provincias del sur. Para la caracterización e identificación de las tipologías de los agricultores que cultivan maíz en la Sierra de Ecuador y el análisis de los posibles factores de riesgo de pérdida de diversidad, se realizaron entrevistas individuales y semiestructuradas a los agricultores dueños de las fincas donde se recolectaron las muestras para el estudio de diversidad (254 en total). Las preguntas que se formularon (11 abiertas y 5 cerradas) estuvieron organizadas en seis bloques: datos del agricultor, características de la finca, diversidad y conocimiento del cultivo, manejo del cultivo, usos y flujo de semillas. Los resultados indicaron que la diversidad de maíz que hay en la Sierra de Ecuador es manejada mayoritariamente por agricultores mestizos, de entre 30 y 55 años, que cultivan una o dos variedades tradicionales para autoconsumo, en parcelas de menos de 0.5 ha y en asocio con fréjol. El análisis de segmentación mediante el algoritmo Chi-square automatic interaction detection (CHAID) permitió identificar un pequeño grupo de agricultores indígenas con parcelas medianas (entre 0.5 ha y 1.5 ha) que conservan un mayor número de variedades tradicionales por finca que el agricultor promedio. Los análisis estadísticos no detectaron diferencias significativas entre etnias (mestizo vs. indígena), géneros (hombre vs. mujer) y grupos de edad (jóvenes menores de 30 años, adultos entre 30 y 55 años y adultos mayores de 55 años) en lo que respecta al conocimiento del cultivo (criterios de reconocimiento y razones de preferencia) y manejo (tipo de cultivo), pero sí detectaron diferencias entre regiones, principalmente en el modo de cultivar el maíz; mientras que en el norte y sur tienden a sembrarlo en asocio y con un mayor número de especies, en el centro acostumbran a cultivarlo preferentemente solo. En cuanto a los usos, se recopilaron hasta 39 modos diferentes de consumir maíz, siendo Kcello Ecuatoriano y Zhima las razas para las que se registró un mayor número de usos. La comparación del número medio de usos por variedad entre etnias evidenció que los agricultores mestizos utilizan sus variedades tradicionales de forma más variada que los indígenas. Entre los factores de riesgo que se analizaron, el bajo porcentaje de jóvenes agricultores que se ocupan de las fincas podría suponer una amenaza a medio plazo por falta de relevo generacional. Adicionalmente, las numerosas sinonimias y homonimias que se detectaron y el bajo intercambio de semillas también podrían ser causa de pérdida de diversidad, bien por reemplazo o por envejecimiento de la semilla. Finalmente, se concluyó que las razas Chaucho, Complejo Chillo-Huandango, Complejo Mishca-Huandango, Cónico Dentado, Montaña Ecuatoriana y Sabanero Ecuatoriano son particularmente vulnerables, no solo por su baja presencia, sino también por el color de grano que tienen (los mismos que la mayoría de las razas más comunes) y carecer de nombres y usos específicos. Finalmente, para la priorización de áreas de conservación en finca para maíz en la Sierra de Ecuador, se utilizaron 13 criterios de diferente naturaleza: 2 ecogeográficos (precipitación, diversidad ecogeográfica), 6 biológicos (grado de presencia del cultivo, riqueza de razas, diversidad morfológica, presencia de mezclas, presencia de razas locales y riesgo de erosión genética), 3 culturales (abundancia de variedades por finca, diversidad de usos y frecuencia de intercambio) y 2 demográficos (tamaño de la población y distancia a núcleos urbanos). Mediante técnicas SIG y de evaluación multicriterio, los valores originales de las capas-criterio fueron transformados a una escala de 0 a 100. Posteriormente, las capas-criterio normalizadas fueron sumadas utilizando tres métodos de ponderación: (1) mismo peso, (2) diferente peso según la puntuación otorgada por 72 expertos, y (3) diferente peso según el método de comparación entre pares de criterios. Los resultados permitieron identificar ocho celdas de 10 km x 10 km con alta puntuación (> 65): tres celdas en el norte (una en cada una de las provincias), una celda en el centro (en la provincia de Cotopaxi), y cuatro celdas en la región sur (dos en Azuay y otras dos en Loja). ABSTRACT In Ecuador, the maize is the most important cultivation in surface and it is a base of the feeding for the rural population who lives in the Andes. In contrast to what it happens on the Coast, in the Sierra region still there are cultivated numerous traditional varieties that are grouped into twenty-four races. Maintaining this diversity is, therefore, of great importance not only for food security, but also as a source of genes for tolerance to abiotic factors could be incorporated into modern varieties. Although part of this diversity was collected in the middle of the last century and is still preserved in various germplasm banks, it is desirable for the in situ conservation also is assured, among other reasons, because in this way the crop can continue to evolve. To be able to implement a conservation plan on farm that contribute to preserving this heritage, it is essential to identify suitable areas where to concentrate resources and know the characteristics and typology of farmer who managed the current diversity. To generate this information is the main target of this investigation and to achieve this, four studies have been carried out: (1) Analysis of the diversity at races and identification of areas of high richness of races, high morphological diversity and / or ecogeographical high diversity in the Sierra of Ecuador, (2) Identification of the profile and characteristics of farmers who conserve and manage traditional varieties of maize in the Sierra of Ecuador, (3) Analysis of local knowledge, management and use of traditional varieties of maize in the Sierra of Ecuador, and (4) Identification of areas of high diversity and low risk of loss for the conservation of maize in the Sierra of Ecuador. For the first study were visited 303 farms distributed along the Sierra and collected 636 samples that were characterized morphologically by 14 variables: 8 related to the ear (shape, length and diameter of the cob, colour, and diameter of cob and number and arrangement of rows) and 7 referred to the grain (total number of grain, colour, shape, length, width, and thickness and type of grain endosperm). In addition, the farms where the samples were taken were characterized ecogeographically through 5 climatic variables (seasonal average temperature, range of average annual temperature, minimum temperature for December, seasonal precipitation and precipitation of October), 2 geophysical (altitude and slope) and edaphic 5 (main texture of the soil, deep rock, pH, content of organic matter and fertility). From this information and techniques of geographic information systems (GIS), maps were generated for distribution by race in vector format and a map of richness of races, a map of morphological diversity and a map of ecogeographical diversity in raster format with cells of 10 km x 10 km. The results allowed observing that, over the past 60 years, it has not lost any race. Nevertheless, Canguil, Chaucho and Clavito have stopped being cultivated in some provinces with the consequent genetic erosion of the cultivation. The morphological characterization detected differences in the degree of variability intra-race, being Patillo Ecuatoriano, Racimo de Uva and Uchima races more heterogeneous both for the qualitative and quantitative characters. At climate and geophysical level, also detected differences in the degree of variation intra-race; Cuzco Ecuatoriano, Kcello Ecuatoriano and Montaña Ecuatoriana were races that, on average, showed higher ranges and coefficients of variation for these geographical characters. In terms of the edaphic conditions, all races, except Cónico Dentado, showed a great heterogeneity, and can grow both in rich and poor soils, with pH values between acid and moderately alkaline. The comparison between races revealed significant differences in the environmental ranges in some races as Cónico Dentado, which tends to be grown at lower elevations and, therefore, in environments less cold and greater precipitation than Blanco Blandito, Patillo Ecuatoriano, Sabanero Ecuatoriano, Uchima and Zhima. For most of the races were found materials potentially adapted to stress conditions (seasonal precipitation less than 500 mm and soil with a pH between 4.5 and 5.5). Finally, the maps of richness, morphologic diversity and ecogeographical diversity showed 36 cells high diversity distributed in 10 provinces of the Sierra: 11 cells in the northern provinces, 11 in the central provinces and 14 in the southern provinces. For the characterization and identification of the typology of the farmers who cultivate corn in the Sierra of Ecuador and the analysis of the possible factors of risk of loss of diversity, there were realized interviews individual and semistructured to the farmers’ owners of the farms where the samples were gathered for the study of diversity (254 in whole). The questions that were formulated (11 opened ones and 5 closed ones) were organized in six blocks: data of the farmer, characteristics of the farm, diversity and knowledge of the crop, crop management, uses and seed flow. The results indicated that the maize diversity that exist in the Sierra of Ecuador is managed mainly by mestizo farmers, aged between 30 and 55, who cultivate one or two traditional varieties for self-consumption, on plots of less than 0.5 has and in associated with beans. The segmentation analysis algorithm using the Chi-square automatic interaction detection (CHAID technique), allowed to identify a small group of indigenous farmers with medium-sized plots (between 0.5 there is and 1.5 it is) that a major number of traditional varieties preserves for farm that the average farmer. The statistical analysis did not detect significant differences between ethnic groups (mestizos vs. indigenous), genres (man vs. women) and age groups (young people under 30 years of age, adults between 30 and 55 years and adults over 55 years old) in regards to the knowledge of the cultivation (recognition criteria and reasons of preference) and management (type of crop), but if detected differences between regions, mainly on the mode of cultivating the maize; while in the north and south they tend to sow in associate and with a greater number of species, in the center accustomed to cultivate it preferably only. In regards to the uses, they were compiled up to 39 different ways of consuming maize, being Kcello Ecuatoriano and Zhima the races for which a major number of uses registered. The comparison of the average number of uses per variety between ethnic groups showed that the mestizo farmers used their traditional varieties of form more varied than the indigenous people. Between the factors of risk that were analyzed, the low percentage of young farmers who deal with the farms might suppose a medium-term threat for lack of generational relief. In addition, the numerous synonyms and homonyms that were detected and the low seed exchange could also be a cause of loss of diversity, either by replacement or by aging of the seed. Finally, it was concluded that the races Chaucho, Complex Chillo-Huandango, Complex Mishca-Huandango, Cónico Dentado, Montaña Ecuatoriana and Sabanero Ecuatoriano are particularly vulnerable, not only because of their low presence, but also by the grain color they have (the same as the majority of races more common) and lack of names and specific uses. Finally, for the prioritization of maize conservation areas on farm in the Sierra of Ecuador, used 13 criteria of different nature: 2 ecogeographic (precipitation, diversity ecogeographical), 6 biological (degree of presence of the crop, races richness, morphological diversity, the presence of mixtures, presence of local races and risk of genetic erosion), 3 cultural (abundance of varieties per farm, diversity of uses and frequency of exchange) and 2 demographic (population size and distance to urban centers). Using GIS techniques and multicriteria evaluation, the original values of the layers-criterion were transformed to a scale of 0 to 100. Later, the normalized layers - criteria were added using three weighting methods: (1) the same weight, (2) different weight according to the score given by 72 experts, and (3) different weight according to the method of comparison between pairs of criteria. The results allowed to identify eight 10 km cells x 10 km with high punctuation (> 65): three cells in the north (one in each of the provinces), a cell in the center (in the Cotopaxi province), and four cells in the south region (two in Azuay and other two in Loja).
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In the present paper, 1-year PM10 and PM 2.5 data from roadside and urban background monitoring stations in Athens (Greece), Madrid (Spain) and London (UK) are analysed in relation to other air pollutants (NO,NO2,NOx,CO,O3 and SO2)and several meteorological parameters (wind velocity, temperature, relative humidity, precipitation, solar radiation and atmospheric pressure), in order to investigate the sources and factors affecting particulate pollution in large European cities. Principal component and regression analyses are therefore used to quantify the contribution of both combustion and non-combustion sources to the PM10 and PM 2.5 levels observed. The analysis reveals that the EU legislated PM 10 and PM2.5 limit values are frequently breached, forming a potential public health hazard in the areas studied. The seasonal variability patterns of particulates varies among cities and sites, with Athens and Madrid presenting higher PM10 concentrations during the warm period and suggesting the larger relative contribution of secondary and natural particles during hot and dry days. It is estimated that the contribution of non-combustion sources varies substantially among cities, sites and seasons and ranges between 38-67% and 40-62% in London, 26-50% and 20-62% in Athens, and 31-58% and 33-68% in Madrid, for both PM10 and PM 2.5. Higher contributions from non-combustion sources are found at urban background sites in all three cities, whereas in the traffic sites the seasonal differences are smaller. In addition, the non-combustion fraction of both particle metrics is higher during the warm season at all sites. On the whole, the analysis provides evidence of the substantial impact of non-combustion sources on local air quality in all three cities. While vehicular exhaust emissions carry a large part of the risk posed on human health by particle exposure, it is most likely that mitigation measures designed for their reduction will have a major effect only at traffic sites and additional measures will be necessary for the control of background levels. However, efforts in mitigation strategies should always focus on optimal health effects.
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El artículo analiza las relaciones entre los cambios de uso en el territorio rural de la región del Biobío y sus efectos en el crecimiento urbano y demográfico de una ciudad de tamaño medio. En forma específica se estudia el desarrollo de la industria forestal y sus efectos sobre el proceso urbano de Los Angeles.
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The appearance of large geolocated communication datasets has recently increased our understanding of how social networks relate to their physical space. However, many recurrently reported properties, such as the spatial clustering of network communities, have not yet been systematically tested at different scales. In this work we analyze the social network structure of over 25 million phone users from three countries at three different scales: country, provinces and cities. We consistently find that this last urban scenario presents significant differences to common knowledge about social networks. First, the emergence of a giant component in the network seems to be controlled by whether or not the network spans over the entire urban border, almost independently of the population or geographic extension of the city. Second, urban communities are much less geographically clustered than expected. These two findings shed new light on the widely-studied searchability in self-organized networks. By exhaustive simulation of decentralized search strategies we conclude that urban networks are searchable not through geographical proximity as their country-wide counterparts, but through an homophily-driven community structure.
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The rural population is getting smaller as percentage of the total population in the countries. There is a constant depopulation of rural areas to urban areas. The most extreme data are in countries like USA, where the rural population is 1.5%, from which 1% of that amount is part time and only 0.5% full time. On the other side, we have countries with more than 50% rural population. Related to training, cultural development, business and specific weight in society, rural residents have no significance in their societies. As they are few, and separated across the territory they have no influence on their societies. Comparing the USA farmer with one from the EU, we see that the American one is a businessperson and the European one, in most cases is a farm worker. To reduce this gap between these different farmers, we believe that we must train the new generations of children belonging to farming Europe. They must have a common language, English; they must know other countries culture and farming systems, live and network with other young Europeans colleagues,future young farmers. It is what we have coined as AGRO-ERASMUS. A project to be placed within the EU Common Agriculture Policies. The project must be designed before its implementation. Even some previous experience should make better viability. It should make use of a network of agricultural universities in several European countries. Each university would build a "farm school" where young people would learn "English?, and visit and work in small agricultural practices with a correct use of the time. One important subject dealing with should be agribusiness. The procedure based on the ?Farm School? (F-S) experience, should start with young people from 13 years up to 18 years. Their attendance, every summer, to the F-S should be rotated between different countries besides their own. The first and second year, with young people 13/14 years old, the Farm School would last less than three weeks in an English speaking country (Ireland, UK or someone else). They should live with a local family the time they stay outside of the Farm School (F-S). This two years period must be devoted to learn and become familiar with the English language and cultural differences. The rest of the four years left, the Farm Schools will have longer duration and be placed in other countries from the network. The living way would be in multinational teams of young people where the only spoken language would be English. After six years of summer oexistence speaking English and learning new competences and skills with colleagues from other countries, we would have a great team of young and future European farmers, able to travel free and confident through the whole Europe and ready to be engaged in productive, commercial and research activities. These new young farmers may revive European agriculture and would not look any more like rural habitants, but international business-farmers, professionally speaking. In a brief survey among the assistants to the Fifth International Academic Conference titled "Alternative Income Sources in Small Agricultural Holdings of the European Union" held in Krakow (PL) in June 2015, participants from universities and countries like Poland, Hungary, Rep. Czech, Portugal, Romania, etc., expressed the necessity of addressing this problem in a new and bold way.
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Purpose: The Shared Hospital Electronic Library of Southern Indiana (SHELSI) research project was designed to determine whether access to a virtual health sciences library and training in its use would support medical decision making in rural southern Indiana and achieve the same level of impact seen by targeted information services provided by health sciences librarians in urban hospitals.