El Giravolt de la Família Robafaves

Treball de recerca realitzat per un alumne d'ensenyament secundari i guardonat amb un Premi CIRIT per fomentar l'esperit cientí­fic del Jovent l'any 2009. 'El Giravolt de la Família Robafaves' és un treball de recerca que engloba tota la història del fet geganter a Mataró des dels seus orígens fins a l'actualitat. Es tracta d'una activitat amb una dimensió cultural, folklòrica i històrica que ha servit per donar respostes a molts dels interrogants promulgats abans de dur a terme aquest projecte. Aquesta família de Gegants ha estat víctima de molts dels entrebancs vigents al llarg de la història així com guerres, revoltes, dictadures, etc. De manera que s'ha pogut comprovar com la política interior i exterior ha afectat a la Família Robafaves d'una manera directa. S'ha fet una investigació a través de les revistes publicades durant la transició democràtica. També cal dir que, s'ha tingut el recolzament d'entrevistes fetes a persones puntals en la història dels Gegants com ara geganters, Caps de Colla, la primera gegantera de la Família Robafaves, etc. Per poder corroborar la base teòrica i documental d'aquest treball s'ha fet un estudi estadístic de la significació social de la Festa Major de Mataró per poder valorar en quina situació es troba actualment. Així doncs, s'ha pogut valorar la influència i importància que tenen els Gegants per Mataró.

Impact of voting advice applications on voters's decision-making

So-called online Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) have become very popular all over Europe. Millions of voters are using them as an assistance to make up their minds for which party they should vote. Despite this popularity there are only very few studies about the impact of these tools on individual electoral choice. On the basis of the Swiss VAA smartvote we present some first findings about the question whether VAAs do have a direct impact on the actual vote of their users. In deed, we find strong evidence that Swiss voters were affected by smartvote. However, our findings are somewhat contrary to the results of previous studies from other countries. Furthermore, the quality of available data for such studies needs to be improved. Future studies should pay attention to both: the improvement of the available data, as well as the explanation of the large variance of findings between the specific European countries.

The Disadvantage of winning an election

This paper analyzes the problem that an incumbent faces during the legislature when deciding how to react to popular initiatives or policy proposals coming from different sources. We argue that this potential source of electoral disadvantage that the incumbent obtains after being elected can jeopardize the reelection possibilities of the incumbent. We analyze the decision of the incumbent when facing reelection and we characterize the conditions under which the advantages that the incumbent obtains can overcome the disadvantages. Finally, we use the results of this analysis to discuss some implications of the use of mechanisms of direct democracy like referenda and popular assemblies on electoral competition.

Deliberative ecological economics: emergence and research issues

We discuss the recent emergence of "deliberative ecological economics", a field that highlights the potential of deliberation for improving environmental governance. We locate the emergence of this literature in the long concern in ecological economics over the policy implications of limited views of human action and its encounter with deliberative democracy scholarship and the model of communicative rationality as an alternative to utilitarianism. Considering criticisms over methods used and the focus of research in deliberative decision-making, we put forward a research agenda for deliberative ecological economics. Given the promising potential of deliberative processes for improving the effectiveness and legitimacy of environmental decision-making, work in this area could help advance both theory and practice in environmental governance.

Are parties domocratizing themselves? the evolution of leardership selection in Spain (1977-2008)

The aim of this paper is to verify, for the Spanish case, whether between 1977 and 2008 has increased the internal democracy of the major political parties (PSOE, AP / PP, PCE / IU, PNV and CDC). To do this, we will focus on their leadership selection processes, one of the key elements associated with intra-party democracy. The paper is going to introduce data on four different dimensions of leadership selection: the certification process, the voting procedure, the inclusiveness of the selectorate and, finally, the degree of competitiveness. The results will show that have been few changes in the leadership selection processes of the Spanish political parties since 1977. However, the results of the Spanish case will also be used to suggest some preliminary links between the four dimensions.

The Impact of democratization: a preliminary investigation on social policies and political violence in Latin America

The recent strides of democracy in Latin America have been associated to conflicting outcomes. The expectation that democracy would bring about peace and prosperity have been only partly satisfied. While political violence has been by and large eradicated from the sub-continent, poverty and social injustice still prevail and hold sway. Our study argues that democracy matters for inequality through the growing strength of center left and left parties and by making political leaders in general more responsive to the underprivileged. Furthermore, although the pension reforms recently enacted in the region generated overall regressive outcomes on income distribution, democratic countries still benefit from their political past: where democratic tradition was stronger, such outcomes have been milder. Democratic tradition and the specific ideological connotations of the parties in power, on the other hand, did not play an equally crucial role in securing lower levels of political violence: during the last wave of democratizations in Latin America, domestic peace was rather an outcome of political and social concessions to those in distress. In sum, together with other factors and especially economic ones, the reason why recent democratizations have provided domestic peace in most cases, but have been unable so far to solve the problem of poverty and inequality, is that democratic traditions in the subcontinent have been relatively weak and, more specifically, that this weakness has undermined the growth of left and progressive parties, acting as an obstacle to redistribution. Such weakness, on the other hand, has not prevented the drastic reduction of domestic political violence, since what mattered in this case was a combination of symbolic or material concessions and political agreements among powerful élites and counter-élites.

Indigenous people's mobilization and their struggle for rights in Colombia

This text aims at showing the history of indigenous peoples’ mobilization in Colombia, the effects that it has brought about on Colombian democracy and political system, and the state’s reactions to their claims and actions. It will show how they have moved from class-based claims to a politics where identity claims have been central in their agenda and part of their strategies to negotiate with the state. It will also show the existing constitutional and legal framework that recognizes the rights of indigenous peoples, despite the context of persecution, murder, and forced displacement.

Théologie et bioéthique. Une perspective protestante

La contribution de l'éthique protestante au débat bioéthique est fortement dépendante de la situation confessionnelle des pays considérés. En Suisse, l'équilibre entre points de vue laïques, protestants et catholiques oblige à réfléchir à la condition pluraliste d'une éthique de la discussion de type démocratique. Les convictions protestantes y trouvent un terrain propice, dans le sens d'une éthique ouverte sur les représentations symboliques et religieuses dont la transcendance porte trace.

La OEA y la promoción de la democracia en las Américas: un objetivo en construcción

Este artículo defiende que, desde el final de la guerra fría, la democracia se ha convertido en uno de los objetivos esenciales del proyecto de integración hemisférica de las Américas. Sin embargo, este objetivo aún está en construcción en lo referente a la acción. Esta idea principal se demostrará a través de otras dos secundarias: por una parte, definiremos el complejo normativo a favor de la democracia albergado en la OEA, a través del estudio de sus normas e instituciones; y por otra, analizaremos dos intervenciones de la OEA en situaciones de crisis democráticas: la intervención durante la desestabilización democrática de Venezuela (2002-2004) y la intervención durante la crisis política de Honduras (junio 2009-enero 2010). Gracias al desarrollo de estos dos argumentos, estaremos en condiciones de examinar la puesta en práctica de los objetivos en materia democrática de la OEA y de determinar su grado de cumplimiento a escala nacional.

Possibilitats i límits de la democràcia deliberativa

La meva investigació s’articula entorn a l’obra del filòsof alemany Jürgen Habermas. L’aportació filosòfica més important de Habermas ha estat l’elaboració d’una racionalitat discursiva. Aquesta nova manera d’entendre la raó com a discurs ha tingut importants repercussions en l’àmbit de la filosofia i de les ciències socials en general. La primera part de la meva investigació analitza l’obra de Habermas, posant èmfasi en el procés de configuració d’aquesta racionalitat discursiva. Aquest primer període culmina amb la presentació de la tesina “Introducció al pensament i l’obra de Jürgen Habermas”. Com a resultat d’aquesta investigació, la meva recerca es centrarà, primer, en les nocions habermasianes de publicitat (Öffentlichkeit) i d’opinió pública (öffentliche Meinung) i, finalment, en l’anomenada democràcia deliberativa. Per tant, la recerca consta de dos part estretament relacionades: (1) un anàlisi del procés de configuració d’una raó discursiva en l’obra de Habermas; (2) una valoració crítica dels límits i les possibilitats de la democràcia deliberativa en les societats contemporànies. Aquesta darrera fase d’investigació –en la qual treballo actualment– s’endinsa en el debat dels “teòrics deliberatius”. Entre d’altres, aprofundeix en les repercussions ètiques i polítiques d’una relació problemàtica entre esfera pública i esfera privada. Desfer aquesta problemàtica passa per repensar l’exigència d’una racionalitat imparcial que, alhora, sigui Desfer aquesta problemàtica capaç de garantir la participació democràtica de la ciutadania en el context actual, on el pluralisme de valors ha esdevingut un dels fenòmens vertebradors de les societats contemporànies.

Interleukin-4 and interleukin-5 as targets for the inhibition of eosinophilic inflammation and allergic airways hyperreactivity

Clinical and experimental investigations suggest that allergen-specific CD4+ T-cells, IgE and the cytokines IL-4 and IL-5 play central roles in initiating and sustaining an asthmatic response by regulating the recruitment and/or activation of airways mast cells and eosinophils. IL-5 plays a unique role in eosinophil development and activation and has been strongly implicated in the aetiology of asthma. The present paper summarizes our recent investigations on the role of these cytokines using cytokine knockout mice and a mouse aeroallergen model. Investigations in IL-5-/- mice indicate that this cytokine is critical for regulating aeroallergen-induced eosinophilia, the onset of lung damage and airways hyperreactivity during allergic airways inflammation. While IL-4 and allergen-specific IgE play important roles in the regulation of allergic disease, recent investigations in IL4-/- mice suggest that allergic airways inflammation can occur via pathways which operate independently of these molecules. Activation of these IL-4 independent pathways are also intimately associated with CD4+ T-cells, IL-5 signal transduction and eosinophilic inflammation. Such IL-5 regulated pathways may also play a substantive role in the aetiology of asthma. Thus, evidence is now emerging that allergic airways disease is regulated by humoral and cell mediated processes. The central role of IL-5 in both components of allergic disease highlights the requirements for highly specific therapeutic agents which inhibit the production or action of this cytokine.

Development and Consequences of Referendum Campaigns in Switzerland, 1981-1999

Since the early 1990s, new forms of referendum campaigns have emerged in the Swiss political arena. In this paper, we examine how referendum campaigns have transformed in Switzerland, focusing on a number of features: their intensity, duration and inclusiveness (i.e., the variety of actors involved). These features are assumed to change in the long run in response to societal changes and in the short run as a function of variations in elite support. We further argue that public knowledge of ballot issues depends on the characteristics of campaigns. To formally test our hypotheses, we draw on advertisement campaigns in six major Swiss newspapers in the four weeks preceding each ballot from 1981 to 1999 and develop a structural equation model. We indeed find that the duration of referendum campaigns has increased over time, while their inclusiveness has decreased. Most importantly, we find that pub­lic knowledge is strongly related to the characteristics of campaigns

Disobeying an Illegitimate Request in a Democratic or Authoritarian System

Crimes of obedience in the form of illegal or immoral acts committed in response to orders from authority occur in many contexts. In particular, under some circumstances of threats, people can easily accept restrictions upon democratic procedures. Recent studies have underlined the role of legitimacy in understanding the authority relationship and the importance of evaluating the legitimacy of the request rather than the legitimacy of the authority in preventing the rise of authoritarianism. The purpose of this study was to verify if people respond differently when an illegitimate request is put forward by a democratic or an authoritarian authority. The results on 224 subjects confirmed that people tend to be more obedient when they perceive authorities as democratic, notwithstanding the legitimacy of their requests.