Soberania e acumulação de capital: uma análise crítica de Hugo Grotius, Pasquale Mancini e Hans Kelsen

A soberania já foi conceituada de diversos modos ao longo da história. Apesar disso, não deixou de ser a categoria mais elementar do direito internacional; expressando o fundamento de atuação dos Estados, foi através da soberania que o direito internacional se desenvolveu do Século XVII até os dias de hoje. Isso evidencia uma distinção entre o conteúdo da soberania, quer dizer, o seu modo de manifestação, o seu conceito, que se altera em cada período histórico, de um lado, e, do outro, a forma jurídica internacional expressa pela soberania, que se mantém intacta e que existe independentemente do conteúdo que lhe é dado, quer dizer, o lugar que ela ocupa no direito internacional. Através da análise do conceito de soberania fornecido por três autores clássicos de diferentes períodos históricos Hugo Grotius, Pasquale Mancini e Hans Kelsen o presente trabalho tem por objetivo demonstrar o caráter ideológico de cada teoria e, conseqüentemente, sua inexatidão. Para fazê-lo, foi adotado o método materialista dialético, através do qual a produção de idéias por parte do homem deve ser observada nos limites das suas condições de existência e as idéias produzidas como um reflexo consciente do mundo real. Cuida-se, assim, de observar o direito de superioridade afirmado por Grotius nos limites das condições de existência humana que se alteravam com a transição do feudalismo para capitalismo, e extrai-se o seu sentido da luta entre a Igreja e os monarcas que iam centralizando sob si o poder. Da mesma forma, observa-se o direito de nacionalidade de Mancini sob as condições de existência propiciadas pelo amadurecimento das classes sociais do capitalismo na Europa Ocidental como fruto da Revolução Industrial, extraindo-se seu sentido das lutas revolucionárias por libertação nacional que ali se desenrolavam. O caráter essencialmente limitado da soberania de Kelsen, enfim, será observado no contexto da passagem do capitalismo para sua época imperialista, como um reflexo consciente dos desenvolvimentos experimentados pelo direito internacional no fim do Século XIX e início do Século XX, após a Primeira Guerra Mundial. Assim, além de demonstrar o caráter ideológico e a inexatidão dos conceitos mencionados, busca-se demonstrar que o conteúdo da soberania em cada período histórico analisado encontra sua razão de ser na correspondente fase de desenvolvimento do capitalismo e que a forma jurídica soberania, isto é, o lugar que ela ocupa no direito internacional, é determinado pela necessidade do capitalismo de um instrumento de força que assegure a acumulação de capital, o Estado soberano.

Direito Internacional em matéria de água doce: conteúdo, formas e efetividade

Este trabalho objetiva analisar diversos aspectos do Direito Internacional Público em matéria de recursos hídricos de água doce superficiais e subterrâneos. Geração de energia, abastecimento, pesca, navegação, lazer, agricultura e indústria, são múltiplos os usos que os seres humanos fazem da água doce, mas antes disso a água é essencial para manutenção de todo e qualquer tipo de vida na Terra. São complexas e passíveis de várias análises as relações entre os Estados e as relações que se concretizam no interior dos Estados com objetivo de utilizar, controlar e preservar as fontes de água doce, a que se pretende fazer é uma análise jurídica, inserida no contexto político de expansão do capitalismo liberal. Pretende-se identificar e analisar normas jurídicas produzidas no âmbito internacional multilateral, considerando a sua forma, conteúdo e possíveis efeitos: na resolução de conflitos entre os Estados pelo controle e utilização da água doce, no estabelecimento de parâmetros para solução da crise ambiental e na superação dos problemas de acesso à água. Na primeira parte do trabalho, são identificadas as normas de Direito Internacional Público atinentes à matéria, descrevendo-se, primeiramente, a evolução histórica do Direito Internacional Fluvial até os estudos da doutrina de Direito Internacional e a Convenção de Nova York de 1997. O capítulo segundo objetiva apresentar o tema da água doce no contexto de surgimento do Direito Internacional do Meio Ambiente, de realização de conferências e criação de fóruns internacionais para a questão da água e do desenvolvimento de um direito humano à água. O capítulo terceiro propõe-se a ingressar na incipiente questão da regulamentação dos usos das águas subterrâneas, analisando os trabalhos da Comissão de Direito Internacional da Organização das Nações Unidas que culminaram com a adoção de uma Resolução sobre o Direito dos Aquíferos Transfronteiriços por parte da Assembleia Geral daquela organização. A segunda parte do trabalho objetiva analisar a aplicação das regras e princípios ensaiados nos textos de Direito Internacional aos casos concretos, confrontando-as com as soluções propostas em casos paradigmáticos de conflitos pela água, como o caso Gabcikovo-Nagymaros e o caso das Papeleras, envolvendo Argentina e Uruguai, ambos julgados pela Corte Internacional de Justiça. Na segunda parte do trabalho, também é analisado o caso do aquífero Guarani, um sistema de aquíferos interligados que se estende sob os subsolos de Argentina, Brasil, Paraguai e Uruguai, que em agosto de 2010 foi objeto de um tratado internacional assinado no âmbito do Mercosul. Por fim, a pesquisa objetiva desenvolver ideias e explicações para a existência (ou não) e a efetividade (ou a falta dela) das normas de Direito Internacional sobre recursos hídricos, considerando o conceito de soberania estatal que ora é o bode expiatório para a falta de assinaturas nos tratados ou de votos em declarações, ora é o próprio fundamento para a adoção de compromissos por parte dos Estados. Conclui-se tentando responder as seguintes questões: Existe Direito Internacional da água doce? São as normas de Direito Internacional efetivas? Para que servem essas normas de Direito Internacional, além da afirmação de sua própria existência como metas a serem atingidas?

Tipperary, by Frank Delaney: a reading of the rewriting of history of Ireland

O objetivo da presente pesquisa é o de discutir a reescrita da história da Irlanda, mais especificamente aspectos relacionados à construção da identidade nacional e de marcas da tradição, a partir da leitura do romance Tipperary, de Frank Delaney. Publicada em 2007, essa obra aborda de forma singular as querelas sobre identidade nacional, nacionalismo, passado, memória, e seus personagens principais e a trama estão significativamente ligados ao contexto político-social da história da Irlanda. Nessa reconstrução da história, o passado é revisitado através de diferentes pontos de vista. Nossa atenção estará voltada para a seleção de elementos/momentos da história do país que ganham foco na narrativa, e as possíveis repercussões deste processo. Além disso, nos concentraremos na questão das tênues fronteiras entre história e ficção, ou seja, as fronteiras pouco delimitadas entre o discurso histórico e o discurso ficcional. Na escrita da história em Tipperary, Delaney aborda questões relativas a mitos, lendas e tradições como importantes fatores de identidade nacional em uma Irlanda que emerge como uma nação independente. No romance em questão, podemos observar como história e memória se unem na jornada do protagonista, em sua empreitada de narrar a história de sua vida e de seu país

Distribution and life history of two diminutive flatfishes, Citharichthys gymnorhinus and C. cornutus (Pleuronectiformes: Paralichthyidae), in the western North Atlantic

Citharichthys cornutus and C. gymnorhinus, diminutive flatfishes inhabiting continental shelves in the western Atlantic Ocean, are infrequently reported and poorly known. We identified 594 C. cornutus in 56 different field collections (68–287 m; most between 101–200 m) off the eastern United States, Bahamas, and eastern Caribbean Sea. Historical records and recently captured specimens document the northern geographic range of adults on the shelf off New Jersey (40°N, 70°W). Citharichthys cornutus measured 17.2–81.3 mm standard length (SL); males (20.0–79.1 mm SL) and females (28.0–81.3 mm SL) attain similar sizes (sex could not be determined for fish <20 mm SL). Males reach nearly 100% maturity at ≥60 mm SL. The smallest mature females are 41.5 mm SL, and by 55.1 mm SL virtually all are mature. Juveniles are found with adults on the outer shelf. Only 214 C. gymnorhinus were located in 42 different field collections (35–201 m, with 90% between 61 and 120 m) off the east coast of the United States, Bahamas, and eastern Caribbean Sea. Adults are found as far north as the shelf off Cape Hatteras, NC (35°N, 75°W). This diminutive species (to 52.4 mm SL) is among the smallest flatfishes but males (n=131; 20.3–52.4 mm SL) attain a slightly larger maximum size than that of females (n=58; 26.2–48.0 mm SL). Males begin to mature between 29 and 35 mm SL and reach 100% maturity by 35–40 mm SL. Some females are mature at 29 mm SL, and all females >35.1 mm SL are mature. Overlooked specimens in museum collections and literature enabled us to correct long-standing inaccuracies in northern distributional limits that appear in contemporary literature and electronic data bases for these species. Associated locality-data for these specimens allow for proper evaluation of distributional information for these species in relation to hypotheses regarding shifts in species ranges due to climate change effects.

A history of fishing with explosives and poisons in Hong Kong waters

Fishing with explosives is still being practiced aroung Hong Kong. The first legislation against blast fishing was passed in Hong Kong in 1903. Since then, successive legislation has increased the penalties and fines on blast fishing and fishing with poisons. However, the problem has not been eliminated as enforcement puts pressure on the resources of the marine police. It would be more effective to educate the local communities on the destructive effects of these practices and make them more vigilant and responsible in controlling them.

Early life history of the Argentine sandperch Pseudopercis semifasciata (Pinguipedidae) off northern Patagonia

The Argentine sandperch Pseudopercis semifasciata (Pinguipedidae) sustains an important commercial and recreational fishery in the northern Patagonian gulfs of Argentina. We describe the morphological features of larvae and posttransition juveniles of P. semifasciata and analyze the abundance and distribution of early life-history stages obtained from 19 research cruises conducted on the Argentine shelf between 1978 and 2001. Pseudopercis semifasciata larvae were distinguished from other larvae by the modal number of myomeres (between 36 and 38), their elongated body, the size of their gut, and by osteological features of the neuro- and branchiocranium. Pseudopercis semifasciata and Pinguipes brasilianus (the other sympatric species of pinguipedid fishes) posttransition juveniles were distinguished by their head shape, pigmentation pattern, and by the number of spines of the dorsal fin (five in P. semifasciata and seven in P. brasilianus). The abundance and distribution of P. semifasciata at early stages indicate the existence of at least three offshore reproductive grounds between 42−43°S, 43−44°S, and 44−45°S, and a delayed spawning pulse in the southern stocks.

History of Molluscan Fishery Regulations and the Shellfish Officer Service in Massachusetts

Oysters, Crassostrea virginica, and softshell clams, Mya arenaria, along the Massachusetts coast were harvested by European colonists beginning in the 1600’s. By the 1700’s, official Commonwealth rules were established to regulate their harvests. In the final quarter of the 1800’s, commercial fishermen began harvesting northern quahogs, Mercenaria mercenaria, and northern bay scallops, Argopecten irradians irradians, and regulations established by the Massachusetts Legislature were applied to their harvests also. Constables (also termed wardens), whose salaries were paid by the local towns, enforced the regulations, which centered on restricting harvests to certain seasons, preventing seed from being taken, and personal daily limits on harvests. In 1933, the Massachusetts Legislature turned over shellfisheries management to individual towns. Local constables (wardens) enforced the rules. In the 1970’s, the Massachusetts Shellfish Officers Association was formed, and was officially incorporated in 2000, to help the constables deal with increasing environmental problems in estuaries where fishermen harvest mollusks. The constables’ stewardship of the molluscan resources and the estuarine environments and promotion of the fisheries has become increasingly complex.

History of Alaska Red King Crab, Paralithodes camtschaticus, Bottom Trawl Surveys, 1940–61

Thirteen bottom trawl surveys conducted in Alaska waters for red king crab, Paralithodes camtschaticus, during 1940–61 are largely forgotten today even though they helped define our current knowledge of this resource. Government publications on six exploratory surveys (1940–49, 1957) included sample locations and some catch composition data, but these documents are rarely referenced. Only brief summaries of the other seven annual (1955–61) grid-patterned trawl surveys from the eastern Bering Sea were published. Although there have been interruptions in sampling and some changes in the trawl survey methods, a version of this grid-patterned survey continues through the present day, making it one of the oldest bottom-trawl surveys in U.S. waters. Unfortunately, many of the specific findings made during these early efforts have been lost to the research community. Here, we report on the methods, results, and significance of these early surveys, which were collated from published reports and the unpublished original data sheets so that researchers might begin incorporating this information into stock assessments, ecosystem trend analyses, and perhaps even revise the baseline population distribution and abundance estimates.

History of the Bay Scallop, Argopecten irradians, Fisheries and Habitats in eastern North America, Massachusetts through northeastern Mexico

This is a broad historical overview of the bay scallop, Argopecten irradians, fishery on the East and Gulf Coasts of North America (Fig. 1). For a little over a century, from about the mid 1870’s to the mid 1980’s, bay scallops supported large commercial fisheries mainly in the U.S. states of Massachusetts, New York, and North Carolina and on smaller scales in the states in between and in western Florida. In these states, the annual harvests and dollar value of bay scallops were far smaller than those of the other important commercial mollusks, the eastern oysters, Crassostrea virginica, and northern quahogs, Mercenaria mercenaria, but they were higher than those of softshell clams, Mya arenaria (Table 1). The fishery had considerable economic importance in the states’ coastal towns, because bay scallops are a high-value product and the fishery was active during the winter months when the economies in most towns were otherwise slow. The scallops also had cultural importance as a special food, an ornament owing to its pretty shell design, and an interesting biological component of

The Bay Scallop, Argopecten irradians, Massachusetts Through North Carolina: Its Biology and the History of Its Habitats and Fisheries

This article covers the biology and the history of the bay scallop habitats and fishery from Massachusetts to North Carolina. The scallop species that ranges from Massachusetts to New York is Argopecten irradians irradians. In New Jersey, this species grades into A. i. concentricus, which then ranges from Maryland though North Carolina. Bay scallops inhabit broad, shallow bays usually containing eelgrass meadows, an important component in their habitat. Eelgrass appears to be a factor in the production of scallop larvae and also the protection of juveniles, especially, from predation. Bay scallops spawn during the warm months and live for 18–30 months. Only two generations of scallops are present at any time. The abundances of each vary widely among bays and years. Scallops were harvested along with other mollusks on a small scale by Native Americans. During most of the 1800’s, people of European descent gathered them at wading depths or from beaches where storms had washed them ashore. Scallop shells were also and continue to be commonly used in ornaments. Some fishing for bay scallops began in the 1850’s and 1860’s, when the A-frame dredge became available and markets were being developed for the large, white, tasty scallop adductor muscles, and by the 1870’s commercial-scale fishing was underway. This has always been a cold-season fishery: scallops achieve full size by late fall, and the eyes or hearts (adductor muscles) remain preserved in the cold weather while enroute by trains and trucks to city markets. The first boats used were sailing catboats and sloops in New England and New York. To a lesser extent, scallops probably were also harvested by using push nets, picking them up with scoop nets, and anchor-roading. In the 1910’s and 1920’s, the sails on catboats were replaced with gasoline engines. By the mid 1940’s, outboard motors became more available and with them the numbers of fishermen increased. The increases consisted of parttimers who took leaves of 2–4 weeks from their regular jobs to earn extra money. In the years when scallops were abundant on local beds, the fishery employed as many as 10–50% of the towns’ workforces for a month or two. As scallops are a higher-priced commodity, the fishery could bring a substantial amount of money into the local economies. Massachusetts was the leading state in scallop landings. In the early 1980’s, its annual landings averaged about 190,000 bu/yr, while New York and North Carolina each landed about 45,000 bu/yr. Landings in the other states in earlier years were much smaller than in these three states. Bay scallop landings from Massachusetts to New York have fallen sharply since 1985, when a picoplankton, termed “brown tide,” bloomed densely and killed most scallops as well as extensive meadows of eelgrass. The landings have remained low, large meadows of eelgrass have declined in size, apparently the species of phytoplankton the scallops use as food has changed in composition and in seasonal abundance, and the abundances of predators have increased. The North Carolina landings have fallen since cownose rays, Rhinoptera bonsais, became abundant and consumed most scallops every year before the fishermen could harvest them. The only areas where the scallop fishery remains consistently viable, though smaller by 60–70%, are Martha’s Vineyard, Nantucket, Mass., and inside the coastal inlets in southwestern Long Island, N.Y.

History of the Atlantic Pearl-Oyster, Pinctata imbricata, Industry in Venezuela and Colombia, with Biological and Ecological Observations

In the 1500’s, the waters of Venezuela and to a lesser extent Colombia produced more natural pearls than any place ever produced in the world in any succeeding century. Atlantic pearl-oysters, Pinctata imbricata Röding 1798, were harvested almost entirely by divers. The pearls from them were exported to Spain and other European countries. By the end of the 1500’s, the pearl oysters had become much scarcer, and little harvesting took place during the 1600’s and 1700’s. Harvesting began to accelerate slowly in the mid 1800’s and has since continued but at a much lower rate than in the 1500’s. The harvesting methods have been hand collecting by divers until the early 1960’s, dredging from the 1500’s to the present, and hardhat diving from 1912 to the early 1960’s. Since the mid 1900’s, Japan and other countries of the western Pacific rim have inundated world markets with cultured pearls that are of better quality and are cheaper than natural pearls, and the marketing of natural pearls has nearly ended. The pearl oyster fishery in Colombia ended in the 1940’s, but it has continued in Venezuela with the fishermen selling the meats to support themselves; previously most meats had been discarded. A small quantity of pearls is now taken, and the fishery, which comprised about 3,000 fishermen in 1947, comprised about 300 in 2002.

The History of Oyster Farming in Australia

Aboriginal Australians consumed oysters before settlement by Europeans as shown by the large number of kitchen middens along Australia's coast. Flat oysters, Ostrea angasi, were consumed in southeastern Australia, whereas both flat and Sydney rock oysters, Saccostrea glomerata, are found in kitchen middens in southern New South Wales (NSW), but only Sydney rock oysters are found in northern NSW and southern Queensland. Oyster fisheries began with the exploitation of dredge beds, for the use of oyster shell for lime production and oyster meat for consumption. These natural oyster beds were nealy all exhausted by the late 1800's, and they have not recovered. Oyster farming, one of the oldest aquaculture industries in Australia, began as the oyster fisheries declined in the late 1800's. Early attempts at farming flat oysters in Tasmania, Victoria, and South Australia, which started in the 1880's, were abandoned in the 1890's. However, a thriving Sydney rock oyster industry developed from primitive beginnings in NSW in the 1870's. Sydney rock oysters are farmed in NSW, southern Queensland, and at Albany, Western Australia (WA). Pacific oysters, Crassostrea gigas, are produced in Tasmania, South Australia, and Port Stephens, NSW. FLant oysters currently are farmed only in NSW, and there is also some small-scale harvesting of tropical species, the coarl rock or milky oyster, S. cucullata, and th black-lip oyster, Striostrea mytiloides, in northern Queensland. Despite intra- and interstate rivalries, oyster farmers are gradually realizing that they are all part of one industry, and this is reflected by the establishment of the national Australian Shellfish Quality Assuarance Program and the transfer of farming technology between states. Australia's oyster harvests have remained relatively stable since Sydney rock oyster production peaked in the mid 1970's at 13 million dozen. By the end of the 1990's this had stabilized at around 8 million dozen, and Pacific oyster production reached a total of 6.5 million dozen from Tasmania, South Australia, and Port Stephens, a total of 14.5 million dozen oysters for the whole country. This small increase in production during a time of substantial human population growth shows a smaller per capita consumption and a declining use of oysters as a "side-dish."