965 resultados para Spain -- History -- 1936-1939, Civil War -- Exhibitions
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In the late year 2013 events started to unfold in Ukraine’s capital city Kiev that would change the political and economic environment of the EU and Russia. The tension had been building for years between the two parties with Ukraine in the middle and during 2014 the tension blew up and events started to escalate into a crisis, which we now know as the 2014 Ukraine crisis. The crisis would include political, economic, and even military actions by all the parties involved with Ukraine slipping close to civil war. Both political and economic hardships followed for others as well with both the EU and Russia placing heavy political and economic sanctions on each other. Most notably in terms of this paper, the Russian federation placed total import embargo sanctions on food imports from the EU and some other countries. This meant that a Finnish dairy company, Valio, had to engage in corporate crisis management as almost a fifth of its total revenue was cut in a heartbeat. Valio had been prepared for some kind of complications with their Russian market as events started to unfold in Ukraine in the beginning of 2014 but never did they suspect that a complete shutdown of the Russian market would follow. The company is still recovering after more than a year after the sanctions were posed and have not been able to supplement the lost revenue streams. This research is a qualitative research aiming to find answers to the main questions: 1) What is the 2014 Ukraine crisis and what kind of special implications does it have and 2) How did the crisis affect Valio and how did Valio fare in its crisis management efforts. The data has been collected both from secondary document sources and primary sources. The main findings of this research are that the political and economic environment of the EU and Russia has gone through a profound change during the years 2013-2015. The companies and governments should re-evaluate what kind of environment they are now facing and what kinds of risks the new situation poses. This also calls for a deep academic analysis from the academic community. In corporate crisis management of Valio the main findings are that the former literature has looked into crisis management as one-time occurrence but the new crises and global events would call for a more on-going crisis analysis and active crisis management. Thus, corporate crisis management should be viewed as a cycle. Valio specifically handled the situation surprisingly well, considering that their revenue was indeed cut by a fifth. The main aspects of crisis management, which Valio did not handle as well, concern the learning curve of crisis management. They could be doing more in order to prepare for future crises better by learning from this experience. The situation is then still on-going in the autumn 2015 both in Ukraine and within Valio.
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Kirjallisuusarvostelu
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Nella storiografia filosofica spagnola non esiste, probabilmente, una definizione ambigua e problematica come quella che riguarda la cosiddetta "Scuola di Barcellona". La tesi principale di questo articolo è che tale scuola non giunse mai a nascere, ma ne esistette soltanto una forma embrionale che non poté maturare perché, in conseguenza della situazione politica venutasi a creare con la guerra civile (1936-1939), i suoi componenti si dispersero nell'esilio. Ciò nonostante, è possibile riconoscere alcuni tratti comuni, seppur labili e (forse) non sostanziali, nella diaspora degli intellettuali catalani che rendono possibile definirla, con le dovute cautele, "Scuola di Barcellona". Tali caratteristiche comuni si possono far risalire a colui che, in un certo senso, fu il fondatore della scuola, essendo il principale maestro delle nuove leve filosofiche della Catalogna all'inizio del XX secolo: Jaume Serra Hunter.
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In the late year 2013 events started to unfold in Ukraine’s capital city Kiev that would change the political and economic environment of the EU and Russia. The tension had been building for years between the two parties with Ukraine in the middle and during 2014 the tension blew up and events started to escalate into a crisis, which we now know as the 2014 Ukraine crisis. The crisis would include political, economic, and even military actions by all the parties involved with Ukraine slipping close to civil war. Both political and economic hardships followed for others as well with both the EU and Russia placing heavy political and economic sanctions on each other. Most notably in terms of this paper, the Russian federation placed total import embargo sanctions on food imports from the EU and some other countries. This meant that a Finnish dairy company, Valio, had to engage in corporate crisis management as almost a fifth of its total revenue was cut in a heartbeat. Valio had been prepared for some kind of complications with their Russian market as events started to unfold in Ukraine in the beginning of 2014 but never did they suspect that a complete shutdown of the Russian market would follow. The company is still recovering after more than a year after the sanctions were posed and have not been able to supplement the lost revenue streams. This research is a qualitative research aiming to find answers to the main questions: 1) What is the 2014 Ukraine crisis and what kind of special implications does it have and 2) How did the crisis affect Valio and how did Valio fare in its crisis management efforts. The data has been collected both from secondary document sources and primary sources. The main findings of this research are that the political and economic environment of the EU and Russia has gone through a profound change during the years 2013-2015. The companies and governments should re-evaluate what kind of environment they are now facing and what kinds of risks the new situation poses. This also calls for a deep academic analysis from the academic community. In corporate crisis management of Valio the main findings are that the former literature has looked into crisis management as one-time occurrence but the new crises and global events would call for a more on-going crisis analysis and active crisis management. Thus, corporate crisis management should be viewed as a cycle. Valio specifically handled the situation surprisingly well, considering that their revenue was indeed cut by a fifth. The main aspects of crisis management, which Valio did not handle as well, concern the learning curve of crisis management. They could be doing more in order to prepare for future crises better by learning from this experience. The situation is then still on-going in the autumn 2015 both in Ukraine and within Valio.
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The thesis assesses the impact of international factors on relations between Greek and Turkish Cypriots during and after the Cold War. Through an analysis of the Cyprus problem it explores both why external actors intervene in communal conflicts and how they influence relations between ethnic groups in plural societies. The analytical framework employed throughout the study draws on contributions of International Relations theorists and students of ethnic conflict. The thesis argues that, as in the global political system, relations between ethnic groups in unranked communal systems are anarchic; that is, actors within the system do not recognize a sovereign political authority. In bipolar communal systems dominated by two relatively equal groups, the struggle for security and power often leads to appeals for assistance from external actors. The framework notes that neighboring states and Great Powers may heed calls for assistance, or intervene without a prior request, if it is in their interest to do so. The convergence of regional and global interests in communal affairs exacerbates ethnic conflicts and precludes the development of effective political institutions. The impact of external intervention in ethnic conflicts has the potential to alter the basis of communal relations. The Cyprus problem is examined both during and after the Cold War in order to gauge how global and regional actors and the structure of their respective systems have affected relations between ethnic groups in Cyprus. The thesis argues that Cyprus's descent into civil war in 1963 was due in part to the entrenchment of external interests in the Republic's constitution. The study also notes that power politics involving the United States, Soviet Union, Greece and Turkey continued to affect the development of communal relations throughout the 1960s, 70s, and, 80s. External intervention culminated in July and August 1974, after a Greek sponsored coup was answered by Turkey's invasion and partition of Cyprus. The forced expulsion of Greek Cypriots from the island's northern territories led to the establishment of ethnically homogeneous zones, thus altering the context of communal relations dramatically. The study also examines the role of the United Nations in Cyprus, noting that its failure to settle the dispute was due in large part to a lack of cooperation from Turkey, and the United States' and Soviet Union's acceptance of the status quo following the 1974 invasion and partition of the island. The thesis argues that the deterioration of Greek-Turkish relations in the post-Cold War era has made a solution to the dispute unlikely for the time being. Barring any dramatic changes in relations between communal and regional antagonists, relations between Greek and Turkish Cypriots will continue to develop along the lines established in July/August 1974. The thesis concludes by affirming the validity of its core hypotheses through a brief survey of recent works touching on international politics and ethnic conflict. Questions requiring further research are noted as are elements of the study that require further refinement.
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Failed and fragile states that result from intrastate war pose severe threats to the security of both the international system and individual states alike. In the post-Cold War era, the international community has come to recognize the reality of these threats and the difficulty involved in ending violence and building sustainable peace in failed and fragile states. This work focuses upon the development of a comprehensive strategy for sustainable peace-building by incorporating the tenets of the human security doctrine into the peace-building process. Through the use of case studies of The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and East Timor, the development and refinement of the doctrine of human security will occur, as well as, an understanding of how and where human security fits into the sustainable peace-building equation. The end result of the analysis is the development of a hierarchical pyramid formation that brings together human security and peace-building into one framework that ultimately creates the foundation and structure of sustainable peace-building. With the development of a sustainable peace-building structure based upon the human security doctrine, the role of Canada in the support of sustainable peace-building is analyzed in relation to the form and level of involvement that Canada undertakes and contributes to in the implementation and support of sustainable peace-building initiatives. Following from this, recommendations are provided regarding what role(s) Canada should undertake in the sustainable peace-building process that take into consideration the present and likely future capabilities of Canada to be involved in various aspects of the peace-building process. ii This paper outlines the need for a peace-building strategy that is designed to be sustainable in order that failed and fragile states resulting from intrastate conflict do not regress or collapse back into a condition of civil war, and subsequently designs such a strategy. The linking of peace-building and human security creates the required framework from which sustainable peace-building is derived. Creating sustainable peace is necessary in order to increase the likelihood that both present and future generations existing in failed and fragile states will be spared from the scourge of intrastate war.
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Failed and fragile states that result from intrastate war pose severe threats to the security of both the international system and individual states alike. In the post-Cold War era, the international community has come to recognize the reality of these threats and the difficulty involved in ending violence and building sustainable peace in failed and fragile states. This work focuses upon the development of a comprehensive strategy for sustainable peace-building by incorporating the tenets of the human security doctrine into the peace-building process. Through the use of case studies of The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and East Timor, the development and refinement of the doctrine of human security will occur, as well as, an understanding of how and where human security fits into the sustainable peace-building equation. The end result of the analysis is the development of a hierarchical pyramid formation that brings together human security and peace-building into one framework that ultimately creates the foundation and structure of sustainable peace-building. With the development of a sustainable peace-building structure based upon the human security doctrine, the role of Canada in the support of sustainable peace-building is analyzed in relation to the form and level of involvement that Canada undertakes and contributes to in the implementation and support of sustainable peace-building initiatives. Following from this, recommendations are provided regarding what role(s) Canada should undertake in the sustainable peace-building process that take into consideration the present and likely future capabilities of Canada to be involved in various aspects of the peace-building process. ii This paper outlines the need for a peace-building strategy that is designed to be sustainable in order that failed and fragile states resulting from intrastate conflict do not regress or collapse back into a condition of civil war, and subsequently designs such a strategy. The linking of peace-building and human security creates the required framework from which sustainable peace-building is derived. Creating sustainable peace is necessary in order to increase the likelihood that both present and future generations existing in failed and fragile states will be spared from the scourge of intrastate war.
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Transcript (spelling and grammar retained): Chippawa [Chippewa] 28th August 1860 My Dear Sir I duly received your very kind letter of the 24th [June] asking me to communicate such facts of general interest connected with my career during the War with the United States. I have no objection to afford you such information as came under my own observation; nevertheless I do so, with the understanding, I have no desire to be my own trumpeter. With respect to your circular wherein you state you have been for several years collecting materials for a History of the late War between the United States & Great Britain, for which you are now gathering further materials to add to your collection, concerning the Second War for Independence. I am rather at a loss to know, what is meant by the second war; If you allude to the petty Rebellion, it could not be called a War, Those that caused the outbreak were very soon put down, by the Loyal people of the Province without the aid of Regular Troops being satisfied with the Independence they enjoyed. With respect to the several questions names in your circular: To the 1st I would say, this locality is made memorable by the battle of Chippawa [Chippewa] which took place about a mile above the village on the ground I pointed out to you, when I had the pleasure of seeing you a few days ago, with Mr Porter of the Niagara Falls, of which I believe you took sketches at the time. 2nd I have no historical documents of any value; so many years having gone past, the most of my old papers have either been lost or destroyed, I however came across two letters, one dated Queenston 9th July 1812 from Lt. Col. Nicholl Quarter Master General of Militia, the other from Lt. Col Myers Deputy Quarter Master General of the Regular Army date Fort George 23rd same month, directed to me in the hand writing of each of those officers as Deputy Quarter Master General of Militia, which letters I shall be obliged you would return at as early a day possible, as I wish to place them with tome others in the case, I have had made to hold the cocked hat & feather I wore during that eventful period, which I am sorry I did not exhibit when you was at my house; with reference to it I now enclose a letter from Lt. Col. Clark, residing at Port Dalhousie he was Captain & Adjutant of Militia in the War of 1812__ I send the letter in proof of the cock’d hat it is a lengthy one, but you may find time to turn over it, as I shall also place it in the hat case__ 3rd Where are [but] [for] traditionary [sic] witnesses residing in this vicinity – Col Clark above named Mr Merritt of St. Catharines, & Mr Kerby of Brantford are the only ones I now recollect, who could offord [sic] you any statistical information. 4th I have no pictorial sketches of any Military Movements or fortifications. As regards my own career, which you appear [ ? ] of knowing__ I was first a Lieutenant in a volunteer flank company stationed on the river side opposite [Navy] Island not far from the battle ground of Chippawa [Chippewa], I got promotion as Lieutenant of Cavalry before I got my Cavalry dress completed in three days more, I was called by General Brock to Fort George, was appointed Deputy Quarter Master General of Militia with the rank of Captain s the accompanying letters will show. I was at the battle of Stony Creek, several skirmishes at the Cross Roads, when the American army [ ? ] Fort George, at the taking of Col. Boerstler at the Beaver Dam, & had the honor of receiving Colonel Chapens sword at the surrender, who commanded a company of volunteer Horse Men was at the taking of 15 regulars & two officers at Fort Schlosser—was with Col. Bishop at the taking of Black Rock, near him when he fell, three men of the 8th Reg. more killed in the Boat I was in – I was at Chippawa battle, and the last, not the least in Lundy’s lane battle, which the Americans call the battle of Bridge [Waters]. I had forgot; there was another small affair at Corks Mill where I was. I could write a little history of events, but have not the time to do so. If what I have stated will be of any service for the purpose you require I shall feel happy. The history of the late War was published at Toronto in the Anglo American Magazine. Did you ever see it, I have the Books, there were however several errors which came under my notice, which I could have corrected. If my time would permit I could give you a more detailed statement of events. I trust however you may succeed with your publication , and I shall be most happy to hear from you at all times—I related many little occurances verbally to you when here, which I thought not necessary to repeat again as you would have a perfect recollection of them. Be pleased to return the letters for the purpose I require them. I am My Dear Sir Your respectful friend James Cummings
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James Butler Hickok (1837-1876), also known as “Wild Bill” Hickok, was an American gun-fighter, scout and spy. He was involved in altercations with others while working for the famous express company Russell, Majors and Waddell (in 1861), and later while working as a wagon master, scout, and spy for the Union forces during the Civil War. These altercations resulted in the deaths of 4 people, but Hickok was acquitted in all cases. An embellished article written about him in Harper’s magazine helped contribute to his reputation as a western hero. He served as a deputy U.S. marshal and sheriff in Kansas in the late 1860’s, helping to bring law and order to a previously lawless area. He gambled considerably, and during a card game on August 2, 1876, was shot and killed. The cards he was holding (two aces, two eights, and a jack) became known as the "dead man's hand."
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PROBLÉMATIQUE La violence collective, à travers les guerres civiles et autres conflits politiques violents, constitue un lourd fardeau pour la santé publique. Plus de la moitié des décès causés par l’ensemble des conflits dans le monde entier se trouvent en Afrique. L’une des conséquences est le déplacement massif des populations qui se réfugient vers l’extérieur du pays, mais aussi de plus en plus à l’intérieur des frontières nationales. Ceux qui ne traversent pas sont appelés déplacés internes. Leur état de santé est au moins aussi vulnérable que celui de réfugiés, mais est très peu documenté. De 1993 à 2005, le Burundi a plongé dans une crise politico-sociale sans précédent. En 2001, environ 10 % de la population vivaient dans des camps de déplacés. OBJECTIF Documenter l’état de santé des personnes déplacées par la guerre au Burundi et identifier ses déterminants. CADRE CONCEPTUEL Le cadre conceptuel est basé sur la modélisation de l’association entre les événements traumatiques, les facteurs de l’environnement post-traumatique et l’état de santé des déplacés internes burundais. MÉTHODE Une enquête transversale a été menée dans deux camps de déplacés au Burundi. Les données ont été obtenues de façon rétrospective sur l’exposition aux événements traumatiques et de manière transversale pour l’état de santé et les facteurs de l’environnement post-traumatique. Les participants ont été interrogés sur les événements traumatiques vécus personnellement ou par leurs proches selon une courte échelle élaborée à cet effet. De même, les facteurs de l’environnement post-traumatique ont été documentés. Pour la mesure de l’état de santé, un questionnaire comportant certains des 17 items du profil de santé de Duke a été utilisé. Deux traductions ont été réalisées et plusieurs items ont été adaptés. RÉSULTATS Les événements traumatiques vécus par les déplacés internes burundais sont négativement associés à l’état de santé physique, à l’état de santé sociale, à l’état de santé perçu et, positivement, avec l’incapacité. De même, plusieurs facteurs de l’environnement post-traumatique sont associés à l’état de santé. Par contre, certaines associations sont à interpréter selon leurs interactions avec les événements traumatiques. Celles-ci agissent parfois comme modificateurs d’effet, en amortissant ou en amplifiant le lien associatif initial entre certains événements traumatiques et l’état de santé des déplacés. CONCLUSION : Les résultats font ressortir un effet différentiel associé d’une part aux événements traumatiques vécus précédemment et d’autre part, en interaction avec ces derniers, à l’environnement post-traumatique. Notre thèse en arrive à la conclusion que les facteurs de l’environnement post-traumatique constituent des déterminants importants de l’état de santé des déplacés de guerre.
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Les gouvernants d'État qui émergent de conflits politiques - guerre civile, dictature - sont confrontés à des demandes que inconciliables que les auteurs estiment pourtant indispensables. Ils font face à l'exigence de justice pénale formulées par les victimes et la revendication d'impunité émanant des auteurs de crimes, très souvent, constitués par les anciens responsables de l'État. Le châtiment, en effet, ne permet ni la pacification ni la démocratisation.Il devient, dès lors, explicite que la sortie de crise peut prendre des voies autres que celle de la sanction pénale. La justice réparatrice apparaît ainsi comme un type de justice susceptible de faire droit aux demandes des offenseurs et des offensés en favorisant la paix et la démocratisation. On lui adresse pourtant des critiques ayant trait à la déresponsabilisation des individus ou à l'incrimination de tout le monde dans l'exécution des crimes perpétrés. L'objectif ultime est de favoriser la délibération, entre les offenseurs et les offensés, sur les crimes. Il faut cependant prémunir un tel dialogue contre les risques d'instrumentalisation. Dans les Commissions Vérité le discours tourne autour essentiellement des thématiques des droits de l'homme, des excuses, du pardon et de l'amnistie. Toutefois, l'usage de ces notions ne fait pas disparaître comme enchantement la haine de certaines victimes.
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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal
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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal
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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal
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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal