José Aricó y la "crisis de civilización" : La búsqueda de una imbricación democrático-socialista para un desarrollo de la "dilatación de la subjetividad" (1979-1986)

Moviéndonos entre la sociología política y la historia intelectual, abordaremos en este trabajo aspectos de la obra del "gramsciano argentino" José María Aricó (1931-1991). Con una reconocida actividad político-intelectual desarrollada en su país durante tres décadas, el golpe militar de 1976 obliga a Aricó a marchar al exilio. Anclado en México, la temática de la transición a la democracia, acuciante en distintos países de América Latina y de Europa, lo hace desembocar en una serie de estudios sobre vínculos entre la tradición democrática y la socialista, sobre la noción de progreso y sobre el preocupante divorcio que entre cultura y política se viene profundizando desde los tiempos de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Siempre con los escritos de Gramsci latiendo en el núcleo de sus preocupaciones, Aricó regresa a la Argentina en 1983. Considerando que ni el liberalismo, ni el marxismo-leninismo, ni el populismo, ni la socialdemocracia pueden ya contribuir al montaje de un "pensamiento fuerte" de expectativas emancipatorias, profundizando además en la temática de la "dilatación de la subjetividad" y en un manejo desprejuiciado de la obra del intelectual reaccionario alemán Carl Schmitt, Aricó ensaya un recorrido inédito, estimulado por la idea-fuerza de una "democracia social avanzada", capaz de dar respuestas ambiciosas a aquello que viene señalando como una crisis de civilización.

The institutional design of intra-party democracy through legal instruments: Turkish case

The importance of political parties for contemporary representative democracies is beyond dispute. Despite their significance for state-level democracy, political parties continue to be regarded as oligarchical and to be criticised because of their internal practices. For this reason, intra-party democracy (IPD) warrants in-depth analysis. This thesis investigates IPD in Turkey, primarily from the perspective of participatory democracy, with the purpose of suggesting reforms to the Turkish Political Parties Law (TPPL). Turkish political parties and Turkish party regulation provide an interesting case because there is a significant difference between mature democracies and Turkey regarding IPD regulation. IPD in established democracies has always been regarded as a private concern of parties and has been left unregulated. IPD in Turkey, by contrast, is provided for both by the constitution and the TPPL. Although IPD is a constitutional and legal requirement in Turkey, however, political parties in fact display a high level of non-democratic administration. The main reason is that the TPPL only pays lip service to the idea of IPD and requires no specific measures apart from establishing a party congress with a representative form of democracy. By establishing and holding party congresses, political parties are perceived as conforming to the requirements of IPD under the law. In addition, the contested nature of democracy as a concept has impeded the creation of efficacious legal principles. Thus, the existing party law fails to tackle the lack of IPD within political parties and, for this reason, is in need of reform. Furthermore, almost every Turkish party���s own constitution highlights the importance of IPD and promises IPD. However, these declared commitments to IPD in their constitutions alone, especially in countries where the democratic culture is weak, are unlikely to make much difference in practice. Accordingly, external regulation is necessary to ensure the protection of the rights and interests of the party members with regards to their participation in intra-party decision-making processes. Nevertheless, in spite of a general consensus in favour of reforming the TPPL, a lack of consensus exists as to what kind of reforms should be adopted. This thesis proposes that reforming the TPPL in line with an approach based on participatory democracy could provide better IPD within Turkish political parties, citing as evidence comparative case studies of the participatory practices for policy-making, leadership selection and candidate selection in mature democracies. This thesis also analyses membership registration and the effect of state funding on IPD, which are highly problematic in Turkey and represent impediments to the flourishing of IPD.

Facilitating Inclusion: Austrian Wisdom Councils as Democratic Innovation between Consensus and Diversity

Democratic innovations face the challenge of realizing deliberative democratic ideals in the context of structural inequality. Consensus decision making and expertise have been said to have exclusive effects on marginalized groups like women and ethnic and sexual minorities, which obstructs diversity. Wisdom Councils as practiced in Austria attempt to counter inequalities by including marginalized groups through the moderation technique dynamic facilitation. Exploratory participatory observations and interviews with a moderator and the participants of two Wisdom Councils in Austria provide a deeper understanding of the inclusive processes at work in Wisdom Councils facilitating a productive combination of consensus and diversity.

El movimiento social de 1995 en Francia contra el neoliberalismo

Las movilizaciones de noviembre-diciembre de 1995 en Francia contra el Plan Juppé fueron la primera gran revuelta en un país europeo contra el neoliberalismo. Con los trabajadores del sector público como eje de la protesta el movimiento se desplegó en base a la articulación combinada de huelgas y manifestaciones. Las reivindicaciones sectoriales se articularon en un discurso más general de defensa del servicio público y el interés general. Noviembre-diciembre de 1995 marcó el inicio de un ciclo de movilizaciones contra el neoliberalismo en Francia que testimonió su creciente pérdida de legitimidad.

El concepto de ciudadanía en la obra de Dominique Schnapper: entre el tipo ideal sociológico y el ideal de sociedad democrática

Este artículo analiza la evolución del concepto de ciudadanía en la obra de Dominique Schnapper como uno de los ejemplos más destacados en la sociología contemporánea de una aproximación completa a la cuestión. A través de un recorrido exhaustivo por su obra, el objetivo es profundizar en la comprensión de la tensión entre la dinámica democrática y la idea de ciudadanía en cuanto que tipo ideal del vínculo social y como principio regulador de las sociedades democráticas. La autora propone en sus primeros trabajos una noción de ciudadanía vinculada al proceso político de construcción de la nación que no distingue entre la definición de un tipo ideal sociológico y la construcción de un ideal de sociedad. Esta confusión se corrige al introducir posteriormente en el análisis la incidencia de la democracia sobre las experiencias individuales de la ciudadanía, aportando una perspectiva de análisis de gran utilidad tanto para la comprensión de la dinámica contemporánea de las sociedades democráticas como para la necesaria defensa de la ciudadanía como vínculo social fundamental y como principio fundador de la legitimidad política.

The Electoral Rise of Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe: Ideological Parameters and Social Motivations

Populist radical right parties have become major political actors in Europe. This paper analyses the path and the different phases that have led them from the fringes of public debate to their present signifi cance, which is based on their capacity to attract electoral support and infl uence the political agendas in their respective countries. Besides, an analysis of the core ideological beliefs of these parties, and of the topics on which their mobilization capacity rests, is provided, as well as of the type of voters that are attracted by them. Finally, the authors discuss the meaning and impact of the growing popularity of the ideas and proposals put forward by the populist radical right parties.

Digitizing dissent: cyborg politics and fluid networks in contemporary Cuban activism

Communication technologies shape how political activist networks are produced and maintain themselves. In Cuba, despite ideologically and physically oppressive practices by the state, a severe lack of Internet access, and extensive government surveillance, a small network of bloggers and cyberactivists has achieved international visibility and recognition for its critiques of the Cuban government. This qualitative study examines the blogger collective known as Voces Cubanas in Havana, Cuba in 2012, advancing a new approach to the study of transnational activism and the role of technology in the construction of political narrative. Voces Cubanas is analyzed as a network of connections between human and non-human actors that produces and sustains powerful political alliances. Voces Cubanas and its allies work collectively to co-produce contentious political discourses, confronting the dominant ideologies and knowledges produced by the Cuban state. Transnational alliances, the act of translation, and a host of unexpected and improvised technologies play central roles in the production of these narratives, indicating new breed of cyborg sociopolitical action reliant upon fluid and flexible networks and the act of writing. 

Fashioning a city of culture: ‘life and place changing’ or ’12 month party���?

The current trend in public policy is to valorise culture as a tool for social, economic and political transformation. This paper offers a direct contribution to debates that seek to unpack and problematise cities of culture. We adopt a more circumspect approach towards some aspects of the anticipated transformative powers of culture, and in particular the tendency to fetishize the economics of culture. Our empiricism is grounded in a detailed study of Derry~Londonderry as the inaugural UK City of Culture in 2013. We question whether City of Culture was ‘life and place changing’ or a ’12 month party���, and reveal different interpretations of success. In our view there is more potential in viewing culture as a peace resource for overcoming divisions in a socially and culturally segregated city, rather than its ability to tackle entrenched economic problems. Moving beyond the specifics of the case study we also provide lessons for future cities of culture and more generalizable insights for the academic and policy literatures.

Party rules, party resources and the politics of parliamentary democracies How parties organize in the 21st century

This article introduces the first findings of the Political Party Database Project, a major survey of party organizations in parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies. The project’s first round of data covers 122 parties in 19 countries. In this article, we describe the scope of the database, then investigate what it tells us about contemporary party organization in these countries, focusing on parties’ resources, structures and internal decision-making. We examine organizational patterns by country and party family, and where possible we make temporal comparisons with older data sets. Our analyses suggest a remarkable coexistence of uniformity and diversity. In terms of the major organizational resources on which parties can draw, such as members, staff and finance, the new evidence largely confirms the continuation of trends identified in previous research: that is, declining membership, but enhanced financial resources and more paid staff. We also find remarkable uniformity regarding the core architecture of party organizations. At the same time, however, we find substantial variation between countries and party families in terms of their internal processes, with particular regard to how internally democratic they are, and the forms that this democratization takes.

The Democratic Dynamics of Government Consultations. Speaking Freely and Listening Properly

There is a growing use of consultation and e-consultation procedures by governments. This chapter seeks to examine the role of consultation as part of a new technology of government. Consultation on policy development can reinvigorate democratic engage- ment but often it can silence views through a sort of participatory disempowerment; it can loosen the democratic anchorage of the public service within the state. The chapter develops a governmentality perspective interrogating what participation, democratic engagement and free speech mean in this context, and how ideas of publicness are constructed, managed and controlled. The focus is on the nature of consultation, its relationship to ideas of free speech and speaking freely, and its potential to empower subaltern counterpublics which can formulate oppositional interpretations and urge alternative conclusions. The aim is to develop an idea of the democratic adequacy of the consultation process and draw out a sense of how democratic engagement here can be structured – for good or ill.

Democratic Citizenship - A Conditioned Apprenticeship : A Call for Destabilisation of Democracy in Education

We live in times when the search for a citizenship education that can transcend national, ethnical and cultural borders is an important part of educational policy. In times of increased pressure by the European Union on its nation states to provide for nation-transcending democracy, this question becomes crucial for national policymaking in Europe. In this text, Swedish education policy will be taken as a case in point in order to shed light on how this question is being handled in this particular national policy setting. It is argued that the policy’s citizen fostering agenda tends to be counterproductive in the sense that it is still situated in national notions of the relationship between democracy and education, which tend to exclude certain individuals and groups of people on an age-related and (ethno) cultural basis. It is further argued that these excluding features can be related to educational ideas about socialisation. The aim of this text is underlined by suggesting a different way of framing democracy and democratic citizenship education: to increase the potential of education as regards the renewal of democracy and democratic citizenship.

Os Deputados Assistentes Sociais na Assembleia Nacional e na Assembleia da República Portuguesa: principais intervenções parlamentares entre 1949 e 2011

A presente dissertação é relativa aos assistentes sociais que exerceram funções de deputados em Portugal Continental, na Assembleia Nacional e na Assembleia da República Portuguesa. Procedeu-se à sua caracterização e à análise dos seus principais discursos parlamentares. A pertinência da investigação é justificada pela inexistência de trabalhos acerca da temática escolhida e pela reduzida produção académica no que respeita à vasta dimensão política do Serviço Social em Portugal. A investigação alicerçou-se numa pesquisa bibliográfica sobre os temas em foco, e documental, na análise das fichas biográficas dos deputados identificados e das transcrições textuais das sessões da Assembleia Nacional e da Assembleia da República Portuguesa, onde constam os discursos destes deputados. Estas fontes primárias estão acessíveis no sítio oficial da Assembleia da República (www.parlamento.pt). Pretende-se com este estudo abordar o lugar atribuído à Assembleia Nacional e à Assembleia da República Portuguesa nos respetivos regimes de ditadura e democracia e identificar e caracterizar académica, profissional e politicamente os assistentes sociais que exerceram estas funções. Objetiva-se ainda a análise das principais intervenções destes deputados no contexto da Assembleia Nacional e da Assembleia da República Portuguesa. Apurou-se que o número de deputadas à Assembleia Nacional e à Assembleia da República Portuguesa não variou significativamente nos regimes políticos abordados. Foram identificadas cinco deputadas à Assembleia Nacional, da V à XI legislatura (de 1949 a 1974 – 25 anos), sendo que a primeira deputada identificada exerceu funções ao longo da V e VI legislaturas da Assembleia Nacional. Após a queda do regime ditatorial e depois de 21 anos em democracia, assistentes sociais voltaram a exercer funções de deputados. Entre 1995 e 2011 exerceram funções seis deputados à Assembleia da República Portuguesa. Um deles desenvolveu atividades ao longo da X e XI legislaturas. Os resultados da investigação mostram que a maioria destes deputados são mulheres, havendo apenas um homem. Relativamente à formação académica dos deputados constatou-se que antes de 1974 o estabelecimento que formou mais assistentes sociais deputadas foi o Instituto de Serviço Social de Lisboa (3), seguido do Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas Ultramarinas (1) e do Instituto Superior de Serviço Social Pio XII, em Luanda (1). Os deputados à Assembleia da República formaram-se no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social de Coimbra (2); no Instituto Superior Bissaya Barreto, Coimbra (1); no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social do Porto (1); no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social de Lisboa (1) e no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social Pio XII, Luanda (1). As deputadas que exerceram funções durante o Estado Novo pertenciam à União Nacional e Acção Nacional Popular, sendo que uma delas pertencia à Ala Liberal da ANP. Quanto aos deputados que exerceram funções no período democrático percebe-se que todos eram vinculados a partidos do bloco central e da direita: uma deputada do PSD, uma do CDS e quatro deputados do PS. No que respeita às intervenções parlamentares dos deputados identificados, observou-se que as deputadas à Assembleia Nacional apresentaram e fundamentaram propostas de medidas de política social apoiando-se na sua experiência profissional, principalmente em debates em que o tema foi a família ou a pobreza. Os deputados à Assembleia da República direcionaram os seus discursos para o apoio e/ou complemento das iniciativas propostas pelo governo, pois quatro destes deputados exerceram funções enquanto o partido a que pertenciam estava na liderança do governo. Face á vastidão da temática abordada, a presente dissertação constitui-se como um primeiro contributo para a produção de bibliografia no âmbito da dimensão política do Serviço Social, reconhecendo-se a necessidade de aprofundar mais o tema. / This thesis is on social workers who acted as deputies in Portugal, on the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. Characterization and analysis of its key parliamentary speeches was the chosen procedure. The relevance of the research is justified by the lack of previous work on the chosen theme and the reduced academic outputs with respect to the vast political dimension of social work in Portugal. Research has its foundations in a literature research on the topics in focus, and also documentary, by the analysis of the biographical records of Members discussed and the verbatim transcripts of the sessions of the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic, which contains the speeches of such Members. These primary sources include legislative sessions and are available on the Assembly of the Republic (www.parlamento.pt) official website. The study aims to address the place assigned to the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic, regarding the respective regimes of dictatorship and democracy and to identify and characterize academically, professionally and politically, the social workers who have exercised these functions. Furthermore on the objective is the analysis of the main interventions in the context of such Members of the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. It was found that the number of deputies to the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic did not significantly vary in both political regimes. Five deputies to the National Assembly were identified on the legislatures V to XI (1949-1974 - 25 years), with the first identified lady holding positions along the V and VI legislatures of the National Assembly. After the fall of the dictatorship and after 21 years of democracy, social workers returned to act as deputies. Between 1995 and 2011 held office six members of the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. One developed activities along the X and XI legislatures of the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. Research results show that the majority of these are women, and only one man. Regarding the academic training of the deputies, it was found that before 1974 the establishment that formed most of the social workers was, the Institute of Social Service of Lisbon (3), followed by the School of Social Science and Policy Overseas (1) and the Higher Institute of Social Service Pius XII in Luanda (1). Members of Parliament formed in the Institute of Social Service of Coimbra (2), the Higher Institute Bissaya Barreto, Coimbra (1), the Institute of Social Service of Porto (1), the Higher Institute of Social service of Lisbon (1) and the Institute of Social service Pius XII, Luanda(1). Deputies who held office during the New state belonged to the National Union and National People's Action parties, one of which belonged to the Liberal Wing of the ANP. As for the deputies who held office in the democratic period one realizes that all parties were bound to the central block and right wing: A Member of the PSD, one of CDS and four members of the PS. Regarding the parliamentary speeches of identified Members, it was noted that the National Assembly deputies presented and substantiated proposals for social policy measures relying on their professional experience, primarily on the debates in which the theme was family or poverty. Members of Parliament have directed their speeches to support and / or complement the initiatives proposed by the government, since four of these deputies exercise their functions while the party they belonged was in governmental leadership. Given the vastness of the topic addressed in this thesis, it constitutes itself as a first contribution to the production of literature within the political dimension of social work, recognizing the need to go deeper into the subject.

Intervenção Social - Arte ou Ciência?: O Assistente Social como agente de mudança numa autarquia de interior.

O presente trabalho baseia-se na pesquisa documental e na análise crítico-reflexiva sobre o serviço social no Poder Local, a sua evolução, influências e implicações no trabalho desenvolvido no (pelo) Gabinete de Ação Social do Município de Pampilhosa da Serra. O serviço social assume, durante o Estado Novo, um papel de controle, com uma prática associada essencialmente ao Estado e a algumas entidades da sociedade civil, nomeadamente à Igreja Católica. Com a Era Democrática, assiste-se ao crescimento da intervenção do Estado e à descentralização da sua atuação para as Autarquias, assumindo-se o SAAL (1974) como um marco histórico. A intervenção ganha, assim, um caráter “territorial” crescendo as responsabilidades das autarquias, quer no âmbito das transferências de competências por parte do Poder Central, quer ao nível da dinamização de serviços de âmbito municipal e da criação de respostas sociais específicas. O PRS (1997) e a RLIS (2013), apresentam-se como exemplos dessa territorialização, reforçando as atribuições das Autarquias ao nível da ação social. O primeiro, implementado a nível nacional, visa a articulação de recursos e uma intervenção integrada. Tem como princípios, a promoção a participação da população e dos agentes locais quer na elaboração de diagnósticos sociais, quer na criação de respostas adequadas às necessidades. A segunda, em fase de implementação, visa a criação de uma metodologia de trabalho ao nível do atendimento e acompanhamento social. Destaca-se o papel das Autarquias e da Sociedade Civil, na efetivação de uma intervenção social de proximidade. A crescente desresponsabilização do Estado na intervenção social, em particular do Poder Central, motivada pela Crise Económica, provoca alterações nas políticas sociais. Surgem as políticas de inserção direcionadas para públicos específicos, tendencialmente contratualizadas e centradas no sujeito. Estas alterações tiveram, também, implicações na atuação do Município de Pampilhosa da Serra, onde o serviço social se desenvolveu a par da implementação dos programas de âmbito comunitário, nomeadamente do PDIAS e PLCP (1996) e do projecto-piloto do RMG (1997). Sistematizou-se com a implementação das Redes Sociais e operacionaliza-se no Gabinete de Ação Social, atuando em três dimensões: mediação, promoção e execução. Da análise e reflexão em torno da atuação do GAS, no qual inscrevemos a nossa intervenção profissional, consideramos que esta se desenvolve numa relação sociopolítica e operacional, assumindo a Autarquia um papel ativo ao criar e/ou reforçar medidas de apoio socioeducativo e económico, de forma a garantir o bem-estar social e a qualidade de vida dos cidadãos Pampilhosenses. O município assume-se como o patamar de atuação de proximidade por excelência, onde o local se perspetiva como o espaço onde a intervenção social se operacionaliza, enquanto que o Poder Local, em conjunto com a sociedade Civil, assumem o poder de co construir a mudança social. / This work is based on documentary research and critical and reflective analysis of the social service in Local Government, its evolution, influences and implications on the work of the (at) Social Action Office of the municipality of Pampilhosa da Serra. The social service assumes, during the Estado Novo, a paper control, primarily associated with a practice the state and some civil society organizations, including the Catholic Church. With the Democratic Era, we are witnessing the growth of state intervention and the decentralization of its activities to the local authorities, assuming the SAAL (1974) as a historical landmark. Intervention win, so a character "territorial" growing responsibilities of local authorities, or within the transfer of responsibilities from the Central Power, both in terms of promotion of municipal services and the creation of specific social responses. The PRS (1997) and the RLIS (2013), are presented as examples of territorial, strengthening the powers of local authorities to the level of social action. The first, implemented nationally, aimed at articulating features and an integrated intervention. Its principles, promoting the participation of the population and local actors when developing social diagnosis, whether the creation of appropriate responses to the needs. The second, under implementation, aims to create a working methodology in terms of care and social support. It highlights the role of local authorities and civil society in the execution of a social intervention proximity. The growing irresponsibility of the state in social intervention, in particular the Central Power, motivated by the economic crisis, causes changes in social policies. Arise inclusion policies targeting specific audiences tend contracted and centered on the subject. These changes have also implications for the work of the municipality of Pampilhosa da Serra, where the social work developed together with the implementation of Community-wide programs, including the PDIAS and PLCP (1996) and the pilot project of RMG (1997). Systematized with the implementation of Social Networks and made operational in the Social Action Office, working in three dimensions: mediation, promotion and implementation. Analysis and reflection around the GAS operation, in which we inscribe our professional intervention, we believe that this is developed in a socio-political and operational relationship, assuming the Municipality an active role to create and / or strengthen measures of socio-educational and economic support, to ensure the welfare and quality of life of citizens Pampilhosenses. The municipality is assumed as the proximity actuation level par excellence where the location is perspective as the space where social intervention made operational, while the Local Government, together with civil society, assume the co power build social change.