Growth of Jewish land setllements in Crimea 1924-1929

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Map detailing growth of settlement tracts by year 1925-1929

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Growth analysis and biomass partitioning of Cyperus iria in response to rice planting density and nitrogen rate

Cyperus iria is a weed of rice with widespread occurrence throughout the world. Because of concerns about excessive and injudicious use of herbicides, cultural weed management approaches that are safe and economical are needed. Developing such approaches will require a better understanding of weed biology and ecology, as well as of weed response to increases in crop density and nutrition. Knowledge of the effects of nitrogen (N) fertilizer on crop-weed competitive interactions could also help in the development of integrated weed management strategies. The present study was conducted in a screenhouse to determine the effects of rice planting density (0, 5, 10, and 20 plants pot−1) and N rate (0, 50, 100, and 150 kg ha−1) on the growth of C. iria. Tiller number per plant decreased by 73–88%, leaf number by 85–94%, leaf area by 85–98%, leaf biomass by 92–99%, and inflorescence biomass by 96–99% when weed plants were grown at 20 rice plants pot−1 (i.e., 400 plants m−2) compared with weed plants grown alone. All of these parameters increased when N rates were increased. On average, weed biomass increased by 118–389% and rice biomass by 121–275% with application of 50–150 kg N ha−1, compared to control. Addition of N favored weed biomass production relative to rice biomass. Increased N rates reduced the root-to-shoot weight ratio of C. iria. Rice interference reduced weed growth and biomass and completely suppressed C. iria when no N was applied at high planting densities (i.e., 20 plants pot−1). The weed showed phenotypic plasticity in response to N application, and the addition of N increased the competitive ability of the weed over rice at densities of 5 and 10 rice plants pot−1 compared with 20 plants pot−1. The results of the present study suggest that high rice density (i.e., 400 plants m−2) can help suppress C. iria growth even at high N rates (150 kg ha−1).

Optimising initial population density, growth time and nitrogen nutrition for assessing resistance of wheat cultivars to root-lesion nematode (Pratylenchus thornei)

Pratylenchus thornei is a major pathogen of wheat in Australia. Two glasshouse experiments with four wheat cultivars that had different final populations (Pf) of P. thornei in the field were used to optimise conditions for assessing resistance. With different initial populations (Pi) ranging up to 5250 P. thornei/kg soil, Pf of P. thornei increased to 16 weeks after sowing, and then decreased at 20 weeks in some cultivar x Pi combinations. The population dynamics of P. thornei up to 16 weeks were best described by a modified exponential equation P f (t) = aP i e kt where P f (t) is the final population density at time t, P i is the initial population density, a is the proportion of P i that initiates population development, and k is the intrinsic rate of increase of the population. The cultivar GS50a had very low k values at Pi of 5250 and 1050 indicating its resistance, Suneca and Potam had high k values indicating susceptibility, whereas intolerant Gatcher had a low value at the higher Pi and a high value at the lower Pi. Nitrate fertiliser increased plant growth and Pf values of susceptible cultivars, but in unplanted soil it decreased Pf. Nematicide (aldicarb 5 mg/kg soil) killed P. thornei more effectively in planted than in unplanted soil and increased plant growth particularly in the presence of N fertiliser. In both experiments, the wheat cultivars Suneca and Potam were more susceptible than the cultivar GS50a reflecting field results. The method chosen to discriminate wheat cultivars was to assess Pf after growth for 16 weeks in soil with Pi ~1050–5250 P. thornei/kg soil and fertilised with 200 mg NO3–N/kg soil.

Production attributes of Merino sheep genetically divergent for wool growth are reflected in differing rumen microbiotas

Divergent genetic selection for wool growth as a single trait has led to major changes in sheep physiology and metabolism, including variations in rumen microbial protein production and uptake of α-amino nitrogen in portal blood. This study was conducted to determine if sheep with different genetic merit for wool growth exhibit distinct rumen bacterial diversity. Eighteen Merino wethers were separated into groups of contrasting genetic merit for clean fleece weight (CFW; low: WG− and high: WG+) and fed a blend of oaten and lucerne chaff diet at two levels of intake (LOI; 1 or 1.5 times maintenance energy requirements) for two seven-week periods in a crossover design. Bacterial diversity in rumen fluid collected by esophageal intubation was characterized using 454 amplicon pyrosequencing of the V3/V4 regions of the 16S rRNA gene. Bacterial diversity estimated by Phylogenetic distance, Chao1 and observed species did not differ significantly with CFW or LOI; however, the Shannon diversity index differed (P=0.04) between WG+ (7.67) and WG− sheep (8.02). WG+ animals had a higher (P=0.03) proportion of Bacteroidetes (71.9% vs 66.5%) and a lower (P=0.04) proportion of Firmicutes (26.6% vs 31.6%) than WG− animals. Twenty-four specific operational taxonomic units (OTUs), belonging to the Firmicutes and Bacteroidetes phyla, were shared among all the samples, whereas specific OTUs varied significantly in presence/abundance (P<0.05) between wool genotypes and 50 varied (P<0.05) with LOI. It appears that genetic selection for fleece weight is associated with differences in rumen bacterial diversity that persist across different feeding levels. Moderate correlations between seven continuous traits, such as methane production or microbial protein production, and the presence and abundance of 17 OTUs were found, indicating scope for targeted modification of the microbiome to improve the energetic efficiency of rumen microbial synthesis and reduce the greenhouse gas footprint of ruminants.

The growth, reproduction and survival of 'Cascabela thevetia' seedlings under two levels of canopy cover

The ornamental tree 'Cascabela thevetia', from tropical America, has naturalised and formed large infestations at several locations in northern Australia. Some understanding of its ecology and invasiveness was gleaned from a field experiment undertaken in North Queensland. The experiment quantified the growth, time to seed formation and survival of seedlings of the peach biotype growing under light and dense canopy cover within a riparian habitat. Growth, reproduction and survival of young plants varied. Growth was most rapid for seedlings away from, or on the edge of infestations because they were constrained by parent plants. The findings also suggested that land managers have at least 12 months following control to detect new plants, or regrowth, before plants set seed and replenish soil seed banks.

The growth and characterization of strontium fluoro chloride crystals

Abstract is not available.

Mechanistic Aspects of Shape Selection and Symmetry Breaking during Nanostructure Growth by Wet Chemical Methods

The control of shapes of nanocrystals is crucial for using them as building blocks for various applications. In this paper, we present a critical overview of the issues involved in shape-controlled synthesis of nanostructures. In particular, we focus on the mechanisms by which anisotropic structures of high-symmetry materials (fcc crystals, for instance) could be realized. Such structures require a symmetry-breaking mechanism to be operative that typically leads to selection of one of the facets/directions for growth over all the other symmetry-equivalent crystallographic facets. We show how this selection could arise for the growth of one-dimensional structures leading to ultrafine metal nanowires and for the case of two-dimensional nanostructures where the layer-by-layer growth takes place at low driving forces leading to plate-shaped structures. We illustrate morphology diagrams to predict the formation of two-dimensional structures during wet chemical synthesis. We show the generality of the method by extending it to predict the growth of plate-shaped inorganics produced by a precipitation reaction. Finally, we present the growth of crystals under high driving forces that can lead to the formation of porous structures with large surface areas.

Carbon dioxide emissions in the short run: The rate and sources of economic growth matter

This paper investigates the short-run effects of economic growth on carbon dioxide emissions from the combustion of fossil fuels and the manufacture of cement for 189 countries over the period 1961-2010. Contrary to what has previously been reported, we conclude that there is no strong evidence that the emissions-income elasticity is larger during individual years of economic expansion as compared to recession. Significant evidence of asymmetry emerges when effects over longer periods are considered. We find that economic growth tends to increase emissions not only in the same year, but also in subsequent years. Delayed effects - especially noticeable in the road transport sector - mean that emissions tend to grow more quickly after booms and more slowly after recessions. Emissions are more sensitive to fluctuations in industrial value added than agricultural value added, with services being an intermediate case. On the expenditure side, growth in consumption and growth in investment have similar implications for national emissions. External shocks have a relatively large emissions impact, and the short-run emissions-income elasticity does not appear to decline as incomes increase. Economic growth and emissions have been more tightly linked in fossil-fuel rich countries.

Fine root dry matter relative to mango (Mangifera indica) tree scion size grafted on size-controlling rootstocks, is negatively related to scion growth rate

Knowledge of root dry matter (DM) allocation, in relation to differing vigour conferred by rootstock cultivars, is required to understand the structural relationships between rootstock and scion. We investigated the mass of roots (four size classes up to 23 mm diameter) by coring proximal to five polyembryonic mango rootstock cultivars known to differ in their effects on the vigour and productivity of scion cultivar ‘Kensington Pride’, in a field trial of 13-year-old trees. Significant differences in fine (<0.64 and 0.64–1.88 mm diameter) and small (1.88–7.50 mm) root DM contents were observed between rootstock cultivars. There was a complex relationship between the amount of feeder (fine and small size classes) roots and scion size (trunk cross sectional area, TCSA), with intermediate size trees on rootstock MYP having the most feeder roots, while the smallest trees, on the rootstock Vellaikulamban had the least of these roots. Across rootstock cultivars, tree vigour (TCSA growth rate) was negatively and significantly related to the ratio of fine root DM/scion TCSA, suggesting this may be a useful indicator of the vigour that different rootstocks confer on the scion. In contrast non-ratio root DM and scion TCSA results had no significant relationships. The significant rootstock effects on orchard root growth and tree size could not be predicted from earlier differences in nursery seedling vigour, nor did seedling vigour predict root DM allocation.

Information technology and its changing roles to economic growth and productivity in Australia

In this paper we describe our investigation of the role of investment in information technology (IT) on economic output and productivity in Australia over a period of about four decades. The framework used in this paper is the aggregate production function, where IT capital is considered as a separate input of production along with non-IT capital and labour. The empirical results from the study indicate the evidence of robust technical progress in the Australian economy in the 1990s. IT capital had a significant impact on output, labour productivity and technical progress in the 1990s. In recent years, however, the contribution of IT capital on output and labour productivity has slowed down. Regaining the IT capital productivity therefore remains as a key challenge for Australia, especially in the context of greater IT investment in the future.

On the contribution of information and communication technology to productivity growth in Australia

This paper revisits the so-called ‘ICT-productivity paradox’ from a long-run perspective by using annual Australian data for 1965–2013. It provides estimates of long-run and short-run elasticities of labour productivity with respect to ICT capital deepening, and explores the nature of long-run causality among productivity growth and ICT and non-ICT capital deepening. The estimates of long-run elasticities are derived by employing both time-series and panel data econometric techniques. The empirical results provide strong confirmatory evidence of the long-run impact of ICT capital deepening on labour productivity in Australia.

Can technology provide a glimmer of hope for economic growth in the midst of chaos? A case of Zimbabwe

In this paper we examine the effect of technology on economic growth in Zimbabwe over the period 1975–2014 whilst accounting for structural breaks. We use the extended Cobb–Douglas type Solow (Q J Econ 70(1):65–94, 1956) framework and the ARDL bounds procedure to examine cointegration and short run and long run effects. Using unit root tests, we note that structural changes in Zimbabwe are generally marked by the period 1982 onwards. We find that mobile technology has a positive short-run (0.09 %) and long-run (0.08 %) impact on the output per capita. The structural changes post-1982 periods show positive impact in the short-run (0.06) and the long-run (0.09), whereas the coefficient of trend in the short-run (−0.03) and the long-run (−0.04) is negative. The Granger non-causality test shows a unidirectional causality from capital stock (investment) per capita to output per capita and a bi-directional causality between mobile cellular technology and output per capita. The plausible reasons for estimated magnitude effects and the direction of causality are explained for policy deliberation.

Greenwashing the Trans-Pacific Partnership: Fossil fuels, the environment, and climate change

There has been much controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – a plurilateral trade agreement involving a dozen nations from throughout the Pacific Rim – and its impact upon the environment, biodiversity, and climate change. The secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Canada, Mexico and the United States. There was an agreement reached between the parties in October 2015. The participants asserted: ‘We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.’ The final texts of the agreement were published in November 2015. There has been discussion as to whether other countries – such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea – will join the deal. There has been much debate about the impact of this proposed treaty upon intellectual property, the environment, biodiversity and climate change. There have been similar concerns about the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – a proposed trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. In 2011, the United States Trade Representative developed a Green Paper on trade, conservation, and the environment in the context of the TPP. In its rhetoric, the United States Trade Representative has maintained that it has been pushing for strong, enforceable environmental standards in the TPP. In a key statement in 2014, the United States Trade Representative Mike Froman insisted: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative maintained: ‘Our proposals in the TPP are centered around the enforcement of environmental laws, including those implementing multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in TPP partner countries, and also around trailblazing, first-ever conservation proposals that will raise standards across the region’. Moreover, the United States Trade Representative asserted: ‘Furthermore, our proposals would enhance international cooperation and create new opportunities for public participation in environmental governance and enforcement.’ The United States Trade Representative has provided this public outline of the Environment Chapter of the TPP: A meaningful outcome on environment will ensure that the agreement appropriately addresses important trade and environment challenges and enhances the mutual supportiveness of trade and environment. The Trans-Pacific Partnership countries share the view that the environment text should include effective provisions on trade-related issues that would help to reinforce environmental protection and are discussing an effective institutional arrangement to oversee implementation and a specific cooperation framework for addressing capacity building needs. They also are discussing proposals on new issues, such as marine fisheries and other conservation issues, biodiversity, invasive alien species, climate change, and environmental goods and services. Mark Linscott, an assistant Trade Representative testified: ‘An environment chapter in the TPP should strengthen country commitments to enforce their environmental laws and regulations, including in areas related to ocean and fisheries governance, through the effective enforcement obligation subject to dispute settlement.’ Inside US Trade has commented: ‘While not initially expected to be among the most difficult areas, the environment chapter has emerged as a formidable challenge, partly due to disagreement over the United States proposal to make environmental obligations binding under the TPP dispute settlement mechanism’. Joshua Meltzer from the Brookings Institute contended that the trade agreement could be a boon for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim: Whether it is depleting fisheries, declining biodiversity or reduced space in the atmosphere for Greenhouse Gas emissions, the underlying issue is resource scarcity. And in a world where an additional 3 billion people are expected to enter the middle class over the next 15 years, countries need to find new and creative ways to cooperate in order to satisfy the legitimate needs of their population for growth and opportunity while using resources in a manner that is sustainable for current and future generations. The TPP parties already represent a diverse range of developed and developing countries. Should the TPP become a free trade agreement of the Asia-Pacific region, it will include the main developed and developing countries and will be a strong basis for building a global consensus on these trade and environmental issues. The TPP has been promoted by its proponents as a boon to the environment. The United States Trade Representative has maintained that the TPP will protect the environment: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the TPP negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative discussed ‘Trade for a Greener World’ on World Environment Day. Andrew Robb, at the time the Australian Trade and Investment Minister, vowed that the TPP will contain safeguards for the protection of the environment. In November 2015, after the release of the TPP text, Rohan Patel, the Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, sought to defend the environmental credentials of the TPP. He contended that the deal had been supported by the Nature Conservancy, the International Fund for Animal Welfare, the Joint Ocean Commission Initiative, the World Wildlife Fund, and World Animal Protection. The United States Congress, though, has been conflicted by the United States Trade Representative’s arguments about the TPP and the environment. In 2012, members of the United States Congress - including Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), and John Kerry (D-MA) – wrote a letter, arguing that the trade agreement needs to provide strong protection for the environment: ‘We believe that a '21st century agreement' must have an environment chapter that guarantees ongoing sustainable trade and creates jobs, and this is what American businesses and consumers want and expect also.’ The group stressed that ‘A binding and enforceable TPP environment chapter that stands up for American interests is critical to our support of the TPP’. The Congressional leaders maintained: ‘We believe the 2007 bipartisan congressional consensus on environmental provisions included in recent trade agreements should serve as the framework for the environment chapter of the TPP.’ In 2013, senior members of the Democratic leadership expressed their opposition to granting President Barack Obama a fast-track authority in respect of the TPP House of Representatives Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said: ‘No on fast-track – Camp-Baucus – out of the question.’ Senator Majority leader Harry Reid commented: ‘I’m against Fast-Track: Everyone would be well-advised to push this right now.’ Senator Elizabeth Warren has been particularly critical of the process and the substance of the negotiations in the TPP: From what I hear, Wall Street, pharmaceuticals, telecom, big polluters and outsourcers are all salivating at the chance to rig the deal in the upcoming trade talks. So the question is, Why are the trade talks secret? You’ll love this answer. Boy, the things you learn on Capitol Hill. I actually have had supporters of the deal say to me ‘They have to be secret, because if the American people knew what was actually in them, they would be opposed. Think about that. Real people, people whose jobs are at stake, small-business owners who don’t want to compete with overseas companies that dump their waste in rivers and hire workers for a dollar a day—those people, people without an army of lobbyists—they would be opposed. I believe if people across this country would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then maybe that trade agreement should not happen. The Finance Committee in the United States Congress deliberated over the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations in 2014. The new chair Ron Wyden has argued that there needs to be greater transparency in trade. Nonetheless, he has mooted the possibility of a ‘smart-track’ to reconcile the competing demands of the Obama Administration, and United States Congress. Wyden insisted: ‘The new breed of trade challenges spawned over the last generation must be addressed in imaginative new policies and locked into enforceable, ambitious, job-generating trade agreements.’ He emphasized that such agreements ‘must reflect the need for a free and open Internet, strong labor rights and environmental protections.’ Elder Democrat Sander Levin warned that the TPP failed to provide proper protection for the environment: The TPP parties are considering a different structure to protect the environment than the one adopted in the May 10 Agreement, which directly incorporated seven multilateral environmental agreements into the text of past trade agreements. While the form is less important than the substance, the TPP must provide an overall level of environmental protection that upholds and builds upon the May 10 standard, including fully enforceable obligations. But many of our trading partners are actively seeking to weaken the text to the point of falling short of that standard, including on key issues like conservation. Nonetheless, 2015, President Barack Obama was able to secure the overall support of the United States Congress for his ‘fast-track’ authority. This was made possible by the Republicans and dissident Democrats. Notably, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden switched sides, and was transformed from a critic of the TPP to an apologist for the TPP. For their part, green political parties and civil society organisations have been concerned about the secretive nature of the negotiations; and the substantive implications of the treaty for the environment. Environmental groups and climate advocates have been sceptical of the environmental claims made by the White House for the TPP. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the Australian Greens and the Green Party of Canada have released a joint declaration on the TPP observing: ‘More than just another trade agreement, the TPP provisions could hinder access to safe, affordable medicines, weaken local content rules for media, stifle high-tech innovation, and even restrict the ability of future governments to legislate for the good of public health and the environment’. In the United States, civil society groups such as the Sierra Club, Public Citizen, WWF, the Friends of the Earth, the Rainforest Action Network and 350.org have raised concerns about the TPP and the environment. Allison Chin, President of the Sierra Club, complained about the lack of transparency, due process, and public participation in the TPP talks: ‘This is a stealth affront to the principles of our democracy.’ Maude Barlow’s The Council of Canadians has also been concerned about the TPP and environmental justice. New Zealand Sustainability Council executive director Simon Terry said the agreement showed ‘minimal real gains for nature’. A number of organisations have joined a grand coalition of civil society organisations, which are opposed to the grant of a fast-track. On the 15th January 2013, WikiLeaks released the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP - along with a report by the Chairs of the Environmental Working Group. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks' publisher, stated: ‘Today's WikiLeaks release shows that the public sweetener in the TPP is just media sugar water.’ He observed: ‘The fabled TPP environmental chapter turns out to be a toothless public relations exercise with no enforcement mechanism.’ This article provides a critical examination of the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP. The overall argument of the article is that the Environment Chapter of the TPP is an exercise in greenwashing – it is a public relations exercise by the United States Trade Representative, rather than a substantive regime for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim. Greenwashing has long been a problem in commerce, in which companies making misleading and deceptive claims about the environment. In his 2012 book, Greenwash: Big Brands and Carbon Scams, Guy Pearse considers the rise of green marketing and greenwashing. Government greenwashing is also a significant issue. In his book Storms of My Grandchildren, the climate scientist James Hansen raises his concerns about government greenwashing. Such a problem is apparent with the TPP – in which there was a gap between the assertions of the United States Government, and the reality of the agreement. This article contends that the TPP fails to meet the expectations created by President Barack Obama, the White House, and the United States Trade Representative about the environmental value of the agreement. First, this piece considers the relationship of the TPP to multilateral environmental treaties. Second, it explores whether the provisions in respect of the environment are enforceable. Third, this article examines the treatment of trade and biodiversity in the TPP. Fourth, this study considers the question of marine capture fisheries. Fifth, there is an evaluation of the cursory text in the TPP on conservation. Sixth, the article considers trade in environmental services under the TPP. Seventh, this article highlights the tensions between the TPP and substantive international climate action. It is submitted that the TPP undermines effective and meaningful government action and regulation in respect of climate change. The conclusion also highlights that a number of other chapters of the TPP will impact upon the protection of the environment – including the Investment Chapter, the Intellectual Property Chapter, the Technical Barriers to Trade Chapter, and the text on public procurement.