979 resultados para Political violence--Kenya
Elaborated Literary Violence: Genre and Ideology of the Two Stories I Sam 22,6-23 and II Sam 21,1-14
Resumo:
The present article focuses on two stories dealing with acts of big blood shed. I Sam 22,6-23 relates the massacre of the priests of Nob; II Sam 21,1-14 is about the execution of seven descendents of Saul, as atonement for Saul's attempt to exterminate the Gibeonites. Most researchers consider both stories or at least certain parts of them old.1 For both stories few verses are regarded as secondary. In this paper I try to reassess the analysis of these stories and will point to indices favoring a late date of origin for both of them. They concern the language in use, intertextual connections and particular motifs. A further indication consists in the fact that the reported events of the stories lack significant resonance in the corpus of the Hebrew Bible. There are only two texts, I Sam 2,33 and Ps 52,2, which allude or refer to I Sam 22,6-23.With regard to the importance of the related events and acts this silence in the Biblical context is astonishing. Interestingly, also in the Book of Chronicles one does not find any allusions to these stories. This raises the question whether the latter were composed after the formation of the book of Chronicles.
Resumo:
La violence parmi les jeunes est un thème récurrent dans les médias qui suscite de nombreuses inquiétudes dans la population. Les enquêtes standardisées répétées auprès des jeunes sur la violence qu'ils ont expérimentée, en tant qu'auteurs ou victimes, constituent une source précieuse de données pour étudier l'évolution de ce phénomène ainsi que d'autres formes de délinquance et de comportements à risque. Elles permettent également de décrire et de mieux comprendre les contextes dans lesquels les incidents violent se produisent et quelles sont les causes potentielles du passage à l'acte. Ces enquêtes sont un moyen efficace de dresser un état des lieux qui va bien au-delà de ce que peuvent montrer les statistiques officielles de la police et de la justice. En vue des enquêtes de 2014, les méthodologies des deux études cantonales ont été harmonisées de manière à augmenter les possibilités de comparaison. Ce processus d'harmonisation ainsi que la présente étude comparative ont été financés par l'Office fédéral des assurances sociales (OFAS). Par ailleurs, les habitudes des jeunes ayant évolué au cours des dix dernières années, un certain nombre de comportements ont été intégrés dans les questionnaires vaudois et zurichois de 2014, comme le cyber-harcèlement et la violence au sein des jeunes couples. La présente étude cherche à répondre à deux questions fondamentales : 1. Comment la violence parmi les jeunes ainsi que ses contextes et facteurs de risque ont-ils évolué ces dernières années ? 2. Quelles similarités et différences trouvons-nous entre les cantons de Vaud et de Zurich en 2014 ? Par conséquent, l'étude est divisée en deux parties : la première traite de l'évolution de la violence et d'autres problèmes comportementaux entre 1999 (Zurich) respectivement 2004 (Lausanne) et 2014 chez les jeunes habitants la ville de Lausanne ou de Zurich ; la seconde partie dresse le portrait de la situation en 2014 dans les cantons de Vaud et de Zurich. Pour des raisons d'échantillonnage les analyses dans le temps sont limitées à des comparaisons inter-villes plutôt qu'inter-cantonales.
Resumo:
Political actors use ICTs in a different manner and in different degrees when it comes to achieving a closer relationship between the public and politicians. Usually, political parties develop ICT strategies only for electoral campaigning and therefore restrain ICT usages to providing information and establishing a few channels of communication. By contrast, local governments make much more use of ICT tools for participatory and deliberative purposes. These differences in usages have not been well explained in the literature because of a lack of a comprehensive explanatory model. This chapter seeks to build the basis for this model, that is, to establish which factors affect and condition different political uses of ICTs and which principles underlie that behaviour. We consider that political actors are intentional and their behaviour is mediated by the political institutions and the socioeconomic context of the country. Also, though, the actor¿s own characteristics, such as the type and size of the organization or the model of e-democracy that the actor upholds, can have an influence in launching ICT initiatives for approaching the public.
Resumo:
For years a literature on the uses that political parties make of information andcommunication technologies (ICTs) has been developed. It is a rapidly increasing, rich,and interesting field in the forefront of the investigation in political science. Generally,these works start from the expectation that the ICTs have a regenerative potential forliberal democracies and for the political parties as well. In developed societies, politicalparties have experienced some transformations that have leaded them to an increasingdivorce with the public. This divorce is shown by the decay of party adscription andmembership, and also by the decay of the conventional political participation. In thetheoretical discussion this situation has been described as ¿the crisis of the democracy¿(Norris, 1999). According to the more radically oriented scholars this crisis reflects theincapacities of liberal democracies. In this sense, ICTs suppose a great opportunity tosurpass the representative institutions and to institutionalize new forms of directdemocracy. More moderate scholars have considered that ICTs offer the opportunity for¿renaissance¿ for representative institutions, as they can reinforce the bonds between thepublic and its representatives.
Resumo:
Discussions about the culture-economy articulation have occurred largely within theconfines of economic geography. In addition, much attention has been diverted intocaricaturized discussions over the demise of political economy or the invalidity ofculturalist arguments. Moving the argument from the inquiry on the ¿nature¿ of theeconomy itself to the transformation of the role of culture and economy inunderstanding the production of the urban form from an urban political economy (UPE)this paper focuses on how the challenges posed by the cultural turn have enabled urbanpolitical economy to participate constructively in interdisciplinary efforts to reorientpolitical economy in the direction of a critical cultural political economy.