890 resultados para Justification of right to know under freedom of speech doctrine


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Climate change is on the policy agenda at the global level, with the aim of understanding and reducing its causes and to mitigate its consequences. In most of the countries and international organisms UNO, OECD, EC, etc … the efforts and debates have been directed to know the possible causes, to predict the future evolution of some variable conditioners, and trying to make studies to fight against the effects or to delay the negative evolution of such. Nevertheless, the elaboration of a global model was not boarded that can help to choose the best alternative between the feasible ones, to elaborate the strategies and to evaluate the costs. As in all natural, technological and social changes, the best-prepared countries will have the best bear and the more rapid recover. In all the geographic areas the alternative will not be the same one, but the model should help us to make the appropriated decision. It is essential to know those areas that are more sensitive to the negative effects of climate change, the parameters to take into account for its evaluation, and comprehensive plans to deal with it. The objective of this paper is to elaborate a mathematical model support of decisions, that will allow to develop and to evaluate alternatives of adaptation to the climatic change of different communities in Europe and Latin-America, mainly, in vulnerable areas to the climatic change, considering in them all the intervening factors. The models will take into consideration criteria of physical type (meteorological, edaphic, water resources), of use of the ground (agriculturist, forest, mining, industrial, urban, tourist, cattle dealer), economic (income, costs, benefits, infrastructures), social (population), politician (implementation, legislation), educative (Educational programs, diffusion), sanitary and environmental, at the present moment and the future.

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Urban agriculture in Lima has been promoted by the project Farmers in the city encompassed in the Urban harvest program promoted by the Consultive Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR). The validation of the effectiveness of the project Farmers in the city can only be confirmed by maintenance over the time the deployment of the project goals. The project Farmers in the city was carried out by the International Potato Center (CIP) and GESPLAN research group of the Technical University of Madrid. The project was conducted at the East Cone of Lima, Peru, from 2006 to 2008. This communication shows the situation 5 years later. In order to know the current situation all the members of Cosanaca producer association, which was created under the project, have been interviewed. Besides, an expert panel was carried out with the responsible of the urban agricultural office of the municipalities that participate in the project. The results show that Cosanaca has duplicated the number of producers and that the municipalities have increased the number of workers.

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In the area of the professional competition, the coach is a fundamental part in the management of a team and more concretely in the game planning. During the competition, the management of the times of pause and times out as well as the conduct of the coach during the same ones is an aspect to analyze in the sports performance. It is for this that it becomes necessary to know some of the behaviors that turn out to be more frequent by the coach and that are more related to a positive performance of his players. For it there has been realized a study of 7 cases of expert coaches in those that his verbal behavior has observed during 4 games. It has focused on the content of the information only to verbal level, on his meaning. The information that have been obtained in the study shows a major quantity of information elaborated during the pauses of the games and a major tactical content with regard to the moments of game. On the other hand, a relation exists between a major number of questions and a minor number of psychological instructions when the score is adverse, whereas in case of victory, a direct relation does not exist with any category. The rest of categories of the speech do not meet influenced directly for the result, for what it is not possible to consider a direct and immediate relation between the coach verbal behavior during the pauses and the result of the game, except in punctual moments.

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La energía es ya un tema arquitectónico, pero su incorporación al proyecto ha sido hasta ahora fundamentalmente técnica, dando pie a una especie de funcionalismo ecológico cuyo destino es acaso repetir los errores de los viejos funcionalismos en su confianza de encontrar modos ‘objetivos’ de transmutar la energía en forma construida, pero sin que en tal proceso parezca haber hueco para mediaciones de tipo estético. Sin embargo, son precisamente tales mediaciones las que necesitan analizarse para que la adopción de los temas energéticos resulte fructífera en la arquitectura, y asimismo para dar cuenta de otras perspectivas complementarias —filosóficas, científicas, artísticas— que hoy forman el complejo campo semántico de la energía. Partiendo de la fecha de 1750 —que da comienzo simbólicamente al proceso de contaminaciones ‘modernas’ entre la arquitectura y otras disciplinas—, esta tesis analiza los diferentes modos con los que proyectos y edificios han expresado literal y analógicamente ciertos temas o ideales energéticos, demostrando la existencia de una ‘estética de la energía’ en la arquitectura y también de una tradición proyectual e intelectual sostenida en ella. Con este fin, se han seleccionados siete metáforas que vinculan tanto técnica como ideológicamente a la arquitectura con la energía: la metáfora de la máquina, asociada al ideal de movimiento y la autorregulación; las metáforas del arabesco, del cristal y del organismo, afines entre sí en su modo de dar cuenta del principio de la morfogénesis o energía creadora de la naturaleza; la metáfora de la actividad interna de los materiales; la metáfora del gradiente, que expresa la condición térmica y climática de la arquitectura, y, finalmente, la de la atmósfera que, recogiendo los sentidos anteriores, los actualiza en el contexto de la estética contemporánea. La selección de estas siete metáforas se ha llevado a cabo después de un barrido exhaustivo de la bibliografía precedente, y ha estructurado un relato cuyo método combina la perspectiva general —que permite cartografiar las continuidades históricas— con la cercana —que atiende a las problemas específicos de cada tema o metáfora—, complementándolas con una aproximación de sesgo iconográfico cuyo propósito es incidir en los vínculos que se dan entre lo ideológico y lo morfológico. El análisis ha puesto de manifiesto cómo detrás de cada una de estas metáforas se oculta un principio ideológico común —la justificación de la arquitectura desde planteamientos externos procedentes de la ciencia, la filosofía y el arte—, y cómo en cada uno de los casos estudiados las asimilaciones más fructíferas de la energía se han producido según mecanismos de mímesis analógica que inciden más en los procesos que en las formas que estos generan, y que en último término son de índole estética, lo cual constituye un indicio de los métodos de la arquitectura por venir. ABSTRACT Although it is already an architectural theme, the matter of incorporating energy into projects has up to now been mainly technical, giving rise to a kind of ecological functionalism which may be bound to old funcionalist mistakes in hopes of finding “objective” ways of transmuting energy into built forms without aesthetic considerations. However, it is precisely such considerations that need to be analyzed if the adoption of energy issues in architecture is to bear fruit and also to account for other complementary perspectives – philosophical, scientific, artistic – which today form the complex fabric of the energy semantic field. Beginning in 1750 – symbolic start of ‘modern’ contaminations between architecture and other disciplines –, this thesis analyzes the different ways in which projects and buildings have literally and analogically expressed certain subjects or ideals on energy, and demonstrates the existence of an “aesthetics of energy” in architecture, as well as of an intellectual and design tradition based on such aesthetics. For this purpose, seven metaphors are selected to link energy to architecture both technically and ideologically: the machine’s metaphor, associated with the ideal of mouvement and self-regulation; the arabesque, glass and the organism’s metaphors, which account for the morphogenesis principle, i.e. creative energy of nature; the metaphor linked to matter and the ideal of internal activity; the gradient’s metaphor, which expressed the thermal and climatic condition of architecture, and, finally, that of the atmosphere which, collecting the above meanings, updates them in the context of contemporary aesthetics. The selection of these seven metaphors was carried out after a thorough scan of the preceding literature, and has structured a reasoning that combines the overview method – which accounts for historical continuities – with the nearby one – which meets the specifics problems of each theme or metaphor –, both supplemented with an iconographic bias, the purpose of which is to visually express the links existing between the ideological and the morphological. So presented, the analysis shows how, behind each of these metaphors, lies a common ideological principle – the justification of architecture from scientific, philosophical and artistic “external” angles –, and how in each of the studied cases the most successful assimilation of energy were those produced by aesthetic mechanisms of analogical mimesis not focused in forms but in processes that generate them: an indication of the methods of architecture to come.

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Los nuevos comportamientos urbanos nos permiten observar cada vez con más frecuencia en nuestras calles y plazas realidades que siempre habíamos considerado domésticas. Al contrario también pasa, todos los días vivimos en nuestras casas situaciones que implican relacionarnos con personas que no son de nuestro núcleo familiar. El diseño doméstico de nuestras ciudades y el urbanismo del diseño de interiores parecen herramientas oportunas en el mundo que nos ha tocado vivir. Esto nos lleva a pensar que los espacios públicos y privados son términos simplificados, definidos en base a conceptos de propiedad para organizar la ciudad. En cambio, sus usos y vivencias, su gestión y sus comportamientos se han complejizado, distorsionando la terminología convencional hasta hacerla obsoleta. En este contexto, considerado también el marco socioeconómico actual, surgen las “acciones de abajo a arriba” como nuevo paradigma o modelo de renovación urbana, que entienden la involucración del ciudadano como parte activa en el proceso de construcción de la urbe desde la misma gestación del proyecto, frente a las acciones habituales que consideran al usuario como mero receptor de las propuestas. Un ciudadano que parece estar cada vez más radicalizado y una administración que parece asustarse ante el desconcierto que el acercamiento al ciudadano puede acarrear, han ocasionado por un lado, espacios “gueto” de carácter casi anárquico y, por el otro lado, lugares tan institucionalizados que derivan en espacios asociados a la administración y ajenos al ciudadano. Por ello, se considera imprescindible la colaboración entre ambos poderes. De acuerdo con el discurso que precede, dentro de un marco comparativo, se estudian 5 supuestos seleccionados de las ciudades Madrid y Zaragoza. Madrid porque es referencia nacional e internacional en el desarrollo urbano a través de procesos ‘abajo arriba’. Zaragoza porque es una ciudad ‘media’ que históricamente no se ha definido por estrategias urbanas claras, ya sean de carácter social o institucional. Sin embargo, en el momento actual se pueden identificar planteamientos relacionados con la recuperación de construcciones y espacios vacantes que pueden ser determinantes a la hora de alcanzar equilibrios con los intensos procesos institucionales acaecidos en las dos últimas décadas. De los procesos urbanos registrados en cada lugar, desarrollados en construcciones y espacios vacantes, he seleccionado: Construcciones Vacantes Madrid |Tabacalera de Lavapiés Zaragoza | Antiguo I.E.S. Luis Buñuel y antiguo Convento de Mínimos Espacios Vacantes Madrid | Campo de Cebada [solar] Zaragoza | Patio ‘antiguo I.E.S. Luis Buñuel [espacio libre] y plaza Eduardo Ibarra [espacio libre] El proyecto de investigación ha partido de las hipótesis de partida que siguen: UNA… Las ‘acciones de abajo arriba’ o renovación desde abajo no tienen cabida como elementos urbanos aislados sino conectados entre sí, posibilitando la producción de sinergias y la construcción de la ciudad; pudiendo ser consideradas acciones de desarrollo y enlace urbano, pues su objetivo es convertirse en motores del espacio público. Cuestión que es aplicable al resto de los procesos o acciones urbanas [‘horizontales’ o ‘institucionales’] DOS… La capacidad de adaptación manifestada por las ‘acciones de abajo arriba’ implica un marco ideológico de referencia asociado a la importancia de la construcción con mínimos recursos [Re-ocupación y/o Re- Construcción de estructuras urbanas en desuso] en los procesos urbanos descritos, como vía para comprender los concepto sostenibilidad y calidad figurativa de lo construido. Cuestión que es aplicable a la recuperación de aquellos aspectos de la arquitectura que la convierten en necesaria para la sociedad. Y tiene como objetivo: Identificar modelos de sostenibilidad urbana como una estrategia que va de lo individual a lo colectivo y que se transmite fundamentalmente con la acción, mezclando la innovación y la tecnología en múltiples ámbitos, utilizando los recursos naturales e intelectuales de una manera eficiente y entendiendo la inteligencia humana y sobre todo la inteligencia colectiva, como principio y justificación. Se han analizado los siguientes aspectos: sociales [participación ciudadana e implicación de la administración pública], urbanos [conexiones con otros colectivos o espacios urbanos / transformaciones urbanas a través de los procesos de gestión utilizados], constructivos [materiales utilizados en la re-construcción de construcciones y espacios vacantes / sistemas constructivos utilizados] y los relacionados con la sostenibilidad [sostenibilidad económica / sostenibilidad de mantenimiento / sostenibilidad funcional / inteligencia colectiva] El estudio de los aspectos considerados se ha desarrollado con las herramientas metodológicas siguientes: Entrevistas abiertas a expertos: se han obtenido respuestas de 25 personas expertas [5 por cada espacio o construcción vacante] relacionadas con las acciones urbanas sostenibles, la cultura y las relaciones sociales, y que también conocen los lugares y su entorno desde los puntos de vista urbano y construido. Son ‘tipos ideales’ asociados a uno de los cinco poderes que se manifiestan en la ciudad: el poder educativo [la universidad], el poder creativo [la cultura], el poder administrativo [la política], el poder empresarial [la empresa privada] y los usuarios [un usuario activo y representativo de cada lugar elegido que haya intervenido en la gestación del proceso]. Han sido personas que conocían el tejido social y urbano de la ciudad de Zaragoza y Madrid, ya que la herramienta ‘entrevista abierta a expertos’, recoge datos y opiniones planteadas en las construcciones y espacios vacantes ubicados en Zaragoza y Madrid. Entrevistas cerradas a usuarios: como la población de usuarios que se somete a la investigación es infinita o muy grande, resulta imposible o inconveniente realizar la obtención de los datos sobre todos aquellos elementos que la forman. Por lo tanto, he decidido estudiar sólo una parte de la población que denomino ‘tipos ideales’, obteniendo respuestas de 150 usuarios [30 personas por cada espacio o construcción vacante]. La selección de grupos de personas entrevistadas, debe permitir que los resultados sean representativos de la población total de usuarios. Además, la elección de ‘tipos ideales’ se ha identificado con los vecinos de los núcleos urbanos [o barrios] en los que se ubican las construcciones o espacios vacantes analizados. Observación estructurada: recoger información a través de la observación me ha permitido conocer las actuaciones y comportamientos de los ciudadanos en el medio urbano. Esto ha facilitado el estudio del medio a nivel práctico, valorando el uso que la sociedad da a las construcciones y a los espacios vacantes analizados. Es importante posicionar la estrategia en relación con el tema de investigación propuesto. Una estrategia que dibuje un panorama plural, desarrollado a través de herramientas sociales y constructivas que permitan que la arquitectura hable de cosas parecidas a lo que interesa a la ciudadanía. Para ello, propuse un catálogo de herramientas arquitectónicas que han permitido evaluar todas las propuestas. Un contexto de estrategias comunes que han descrito con los mismos códigos las distintas actuaciones analizadas. Estas herramientas tocan diferentes campos de interés. Desde las partes más tectónicas y constructivas, hasta las más ligadas con el desarrollo urbanístico y social. Acciones de participación colectiva: Experiencias o laboratorios urbanos participados por los alumnos del grado de arquitectura de la UNIZAR y los agentes sociales. Las acciones son una herramienta propositiva. Investigar y analizar proponiendo ha permitido que el análisis del contexto pueda llegar a capas de mucha más profundidad. No se ha trabajado estableciendo jerarquías de profesores y alumnos, sino que se ha intentado posibilitar la conexión de distintos agentes que trabajan coordinadamente durante el tiempo que han durado las acciones. Por un lado esto ha permite que cada integrante haya aportado al grupo lo que mejor sabe hacer y de la misma manera, que cada uno pueda aprender aquello de lo que tenga más ganas… y reflexionar sobre determinados aspectos objeto del análisis. Una vez interpretados los resultados, obtenidos a través de las herramientas metodológicas referenciadas, se ha concluido lo que sigue: Respecto de la Hipótesis de partida UNO LAS ACCIONES ‘ABAJO ARRIBA’ han revelado que no se puede entender ningún proceso de gestión urbana fuera de la participación ciudadana. El ‘ESPACIO LIBRE’ de una ciudad necesita lugares de autogestión, espacios de cogestión, movimientos de ‘arriba abajo’ y también modelos que todavía no sabemos ni que existen. LAS ACCIONES INSTITUCIONALES ‘ARRIBA ABAJO’ han demostrado que no han presentado permeabilidad ni relación con las circulaciones de entorno. Tampoco han tenido en cuenta a otras muchas personas, ‘usuarios productores’, a las que les interesan los procesos de búsqueda y las fórmulas de conexión más interactivas. Respecto de la hipótesis de partida DOS LAS ACCIONES ‘ABAJO ARRIBA’ han revelado que el ‘derecho a la ciudad’, paradigma defendido por Lefebvre desde el cual se piensa el urbanismo ciudadano, en estos supuestos podría entenderse como el ‘derecho a la infraestructura’. El ESPACIO LIBRE es infraestructura y se quiere para infraestructurar los derechos de cada uno. Y aunque también es verdad que estas acciones son simples destellos, han hecho visible otro paradigma de gestión y propuesta urbana que puede ser predominante en un futuro próximo. LAS ACCIONES INSTITUCIONALES ‘ARRIBA ABAJO’ han revelado que las intervenciones estuvieron enfocadas únicamente a la resolución de los procesos constructivos y a la incorporación del programa como un dato ‘problema’ que era necesario resolver para evitar la afección al diseño. ABSTRACT The new urban ways of behaviour let us watch more and more frequently in our streets and squares, realities that we had always considered as domestic. This also happens the other way round. Every day we have to go through situations at home which imply relationships with people who don’t belong to our family circle. The domestic design of our cities and the urban planning of indoor design seem to be adequate tools in the world we have to live in. This leads us to think that public and private spaces are simplified terms, defined according to concepts of property in order to organise the city. On the other hand, its uses and the experiences of people, its management and ways of behaviour is now more complex, changing the conventional terminology that has become outdated. In this context, ‘bottom-up’ actions arise as a new paradigm or model of urban renewal. These actions consider the active role of social participation in the process of building up the city from the very beginning, in comparison with the former way of acting that considered the user as mere receptor of the proposals. A citizen who seems to become more and more radical, and an administration that seems to be afraid of the unknown, have created both almost anarchic ghetto spaces and, on the other hand, spaces which have been so institutionalised that derive into areas associated to the administration but alienated from the citizen. For this reason, cowork of both forces is considered as crucial. In accordance with the above mentioned ideas and within a comparative framework, five situations chosen from the cities of Madrid and Zaragoza are studied. Madrid because is a national and international reference in urban development that uses “bottom-up” processes. Zaragoza because is a “medium-size” city that, historically, has not been defined by clear social or institutional urban strategies. Nevertheless, at the present time we can identify approaches on the recovery of constructions and empty areas that may be determining for reaching a balance with the intense institutional processes that have taken place in the two last decades. From the urban processes registered in every place and developed in vacant areas and constructions, I have chosen: Vacant constructions Madrid | Lavapiés Tobacco Factory Zaragoza | Old Secondary School Luis Buñuel and old Convent of the Minimos Vacant areas Madrid | Campo de Cebada [non-built site]. Zaragoza | Old courtyard of the secondary school and Eduardo Ibarra square [free space] The research project has been issued from the following starting hypotheses: ONE… “Bottom-up actions” or renewal from below have no place as isolated urban elements but as connected parts that can produce synergies and the construction of the city, and that can also be considered as actions producing urban development and links. This can also be applied to the rest of urban processes or actions [‘horizontal’ or ‘institutional’]. TWO… The capacity of adaptation shown by “bottom-up actions” implies an ideological framework of reference which is related to the importance of construction with minimal resources (re-occupation and/or reconstruction of urban structures in disuse) in the above mentioned urban processes, as a way for understanding the concepts of sustainability and the representational quality of what has been constructed. This can also be applied to the recovery of those architectural aspects that make architecture necessary for society. And its objective is: Identify models of urban sustainability as a strategy going from the individual to the collective, which are mainly transferred by action and that mix innovation and technology in many fields. Models that use natural and intellectual resources in an efficient way, and understand human intelligence and, above all, collective intelligence, as principle and justification. The following aspects have been analysed: social [civic participation and involvement of the public Administration], urban [connections with other collectives or urban spaces / urban transformation by the processes of administration used], constructive [materials used for the re-construction of empty spaces / construction systems used] and those focusing on sustainability [economic sustainability /maintenance sustainability /functional sustainability / collective intelligence]. For researching into the above mentioned aspects, the following methodological tools have been developed: Open interviews with experts: answers from 25 experts have been obtained [five for every vacant space or empty construction] on sustainable urban actions, culture and social relations, who also know the places and their environment from an urban and constructive point of view. These are “ideal types” linked to one of the five powers acting in the city: the educational power [University], the creative power [culture], the administration power [politics], the corporate power [private companies] and the users [an active and representative user for every place selected during the establishment of the process]. They were people who knew the social and urban fabric of Zaragoza and Madrid, since the “open interview for experts” tool collects data and points of view set out in vacant constructions and spaces of Zaragoza and Madrid. Close interviews with users: as the number of users targeted for the research is very big or infinite, it is impossible or inconvenient to get data from all its constituent parts. Therefore, I have decided to research into the part of the population that I call “ideal types”, obtaining answers from 150 users [30 people for every empty space or construction]. The selection of the groups of people interviewed must produce results which are representative of the total population of users. Furthermore, the election of “ideal types” has been identified with the inhabitants of urban areas [or city districts] in which the vacant spaces or constructions analysed are located. A structured observation: I have known the actions and ways of behaving of the citizens in the urban environment by means of collecting information after observation. Therefore, the practical research into the target environment has been easier by valuing the use that society gives to the empty constructions and spaces analysed. It is important to position the strategy with respect to the research subject proposed. It involves a strategy able to get an overview of a plural landscape, developed by social and constructive tools, allowing architecture to talk about topics which are interesting for city dwellers. Therefore, I proposed a set of architectural tools to evaluate all the proposals. A context of common strategies describing the different actions analysed by using the same codes. These tools focus on different fields of interests, from the most tectonic and constructive parts, to the most related to urban and social development. Actions on collective participation: experiences or urban laboratories shared by the students of architecture of the University of Zaragoza and social agents. The actions are a proactive tool. Researching and analysing by means of proposing, has allowed me to analyse the context and much deeper layers. This work has not been done by establishing ranks of professors and student, but trying to get an interaction between the different agents who work in close coordination during the implementation of the actions. This has allowed every agent to contribute the group what they do the best, and also every individual has had the possibility to learn what s/he prefers…, thinking about the different aspects targeted by the analysis. Once the different methodological tools have been interpreted, this is the conclusion: With regard to the initial hypothesis ONE “BOTTOM-UP” ACTIONS have proven that no process of urban management can be understood outside civic participation. The “FREE SPACE” of a city needs self-managed places, co-managed spaces, “up-bottom” movements, and also models whose existence is still ignored. “UP-BOTTOM” INSTITUTIONAL ACTIONS have proven that they have not presented neither permeability nor relation with local ideas. They have also disregarded many other people, the “usersproducers”, who are interested in the most interactive means of searching and connecting processes. With regard to the initial hypothesis TWO Under these premises, “BOTTOM-UP” ACTIONS have shown that the “right to the city”, a paradigm defended by Lefebvre and from which citizen-focused urbanism is conceived, could be considered as a “right to the infrastructures”. A FREE SPACE is an infrastructure and must be used to “infrastructure” the rights of every citizen. And, even though it is true that these actions are mere flashes, they have made visible another paradigm of management and urban proposal that can be prevailing in a near future. “UP-BOTTOM” INSTITUTIONAL ACTIONS have revealed that the interventions have only focused on resolving construction processes and the incorporation of the program as a “problem” data that was necessary to resolve in order to avoid its influence on the design.

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LINCOLN UNIVERSITY - On March 25, 1965, a bus loaded with Lincoln University students and staff arrived in Montgomery, Ala. to join the Selma march for racial and voting equality. Although the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was in force, African-Americans continued to feel the effects of segregation. The 1960s was a decade of social unrest and change. In the Deep South, specifically Alabama, racial segregation was a cultural norm resistant to change. Governor George Wallace never concealed his personal viewpoints and political stance of the white majority, declaring “Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.” The march was aimed at obtaining African-Americans their constitutionally protected right to vote. However, Alabama’s deep-rooted culture of racial bias began to be challenged by a shift in American attitudes towards equality. Both black and whites wanted to end discrimination by using passive resistance, a movement utilized by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. That passive resistance was often met with violence, sometimes at the hands of law enforcement and local citizens. The Selma to Montgomery march was a result of a protest for voting equality. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Southern Christian Leadership Counsel (SCLC) among other students marched along the streets to bring awareness to the voter registration campaign, which was organized to end discrimination in voting based on race. Violent acts of police officers and others were some of the everyday challenges protesters were facing. Forty-one participants from Lincoln University arrived in Montgomery to take part in the 1965 march for equality. Students from Lincoln University’s Journalism 383 class spent part of their 2015 spring semester researching the historical event. Here are their stories: Peter Kellogg “We’ve been watching the television, reading about it in the newspapers,” said Peter Kellogg during a February 2015 telephone interview. “Everyone knew the civil rights movement was going on, and it was important that we give him (Robert Newton) some assistance … and Newton said we needed to get involve and do something,” Kellogg, a lecturer in the 1960s at Lincoln University, discussed how the bus trip originated. “That’s why the bus happened,” Kellogg said. “Because of what he (Newton) did - that’s why Lincoln students went and participated.” “People were excited and the people along the sidewalk were supportive,” Kellogg said. However, the mood flipped from excited to scared and feeling intimidated. “It seems though every office building there was a guy in a blue uniform with binoculars standing in the crowd with troops and police. And if looks could kill me, we could have all been dead.” He says the hatred and intimidation was intense. Kellogg, being white, was an immediate target among many white people. He didn’t realize how dangerous the event in Alabama was until he and the others in the bus heard about the death of Viola Liuzzo. The married mother of five from Detroit was shot and killed by members of the Ku Klux Klan while shuttling activists to the Montgomery airport. “We found out about her death on the ride back,” Kellogg recalled. “Because it was a loss of life, and it shows the violence … we could have been exposed to that danger!” After returning to LU, Kellogg’s outlook on life took a dramatic turn. Kellogg noted King’s belief that a person should be willing to die for important causes. “The idea is that life is about something larger and more important than your own immediate gratification, and career success or personal achievements,” Kellogg said. “The civil rights movement … it made me, it made my life more significant because it was about something important.” The civil rights movement influenced Kellogg to change his career path and to become a black history lecturer. Until this day, he has no regrets and believes that his choices made him as a better individual. The bus ride to Alabama, he says, began with the actions of just one student. Robert Newton Robert Newton was the initiator, recruiter and leader of the Lincoln University movement to join Dr. Martin Luther King’s march in Selma. “In the 60s much of the civil rights activists came out of college,” said Newton during a recent phone interview. Many of the events that involved segregation compelled college students to fight for equality. “We had selected boycotts of merchants, when blacks were not allowed to try on clothes,” Newton said. “You could buy clothes at department stores, but no blacks could work at the department stores as sales people. If you bought clothes there you couldn’t try them on, you had to buy them first and take them home and try them on.” Newton said the students risked their lives to be a part of history and influence change. He not only recognized the historic event of his fellow Lincolnites, but also recognized other college students and historical black colleges and universities who played a vital role in history. “You had the S.N.C.C organization, in terms of voting rights and other things, including a lot of participation and working off the bureau,” Newton said. Other schools and places such as UNT, Greenville and Howard University and other historically black schools had groups that came out as leaders. Newton believes that much has changed from 50 years ago. “I think we’ve certainly come a long way from what I’ve seen from the standpoint of growing up outside of Birmingham, Alabama,” Newton said. He believes that college campuses today are more organized in their approach to social causes. “The campus appears to be some more integrated amongst students in terms of organizations and friendships.” Barbara Flint Dr. Barbara Flint grew up in the southern part of Arkansas and came to Lincoln University in 1961. She describes her experience at Lincoln as “being at Lincoln when the world was changing.“ She was an active member of Lincoln’s History Club, which focused on current events and issues and influenced her decision to join the Selma march. “The first idea was to raise some money and then we started talking about ‘why can’t we go?’ I very much wanted to be a living witness in history.” Reflecting on the march and journey to Montgomery, Flint describes it as being filled with tension. “We were very conscious of the fact that once we got on the road past Tennessee we didn’t know what was going to happen,” said Flint during a February 2015 phone interview. “Many of the students had not been beyond Missouri, so they didn’t have that sense of what happens in the South. Having lived there you knew the balance as well as what is likely to happen and what is not likely to happen. As my father use to say, ‘you have to know how to stay on that line of balance.’” Upon arriving in Alabama she remembers the feeling of excitement and relief from everyone on the bus. “We were tired and very happy to be there and we were trying to figure out where we were going to join and get into the march,” Flint said. “There were so many people coming in and then we were also trying to stay together; that was one of the things that really stuck out for me, not just for us but the people who were coming in. You didn’t want to lose sight of the people you came with.” Flint says she was keenly aware of her surroundings. For her, it was more than just marching forward. “I can still hear those helicopters now,” Flint recalled. “Every time the helicopters would come over the sound would make people jump and look up - I think that demonstrated the extent of the tenseness that was there at the time because the helicopters kept coming over every few minutes.” She said that the marchers sang “we are not afraid,” but that fear remained with every step. “Just having been there and being a witness and marching you realize that I’m one of those drops that’s going to make up this flood and with this flood things will move,” said Flint. As a student at Lincoln in 1965, Flint says the Selma experience undoubtedly changed her life. “You can’t expect to do exactly what you came to Lincoln to do,” Flint says. “That march - along with all the other marchers and the action that was taking place - directly changed the paths that I and many other people at Lincoln would take.” She says current students and new generations need to reflect on their personal role in society. “Decide what needs to be done and ask yourself ‘how can I best contribute to it?’” Flint said. She notes technology and social media can be used to reach audiences in ways unavailable to her generation in 1965. “So you don’t always have to wait for someone else to step out there and say ‘let’s march,’ you can express your vision and your views and you have the means to do so (so) others can follow you. Jaci Newsom Jaci Newsom came to Lincoln in 1965 from Atlanta. She came to Lincoln to major in sociology and being in Jefferson City was largely different from what she had grown up with. “To be able to come into a restaurant, sit down and be served a nice meal was eye-opening to me,” said Newsom during a recent interview. She eventually became accustomed to the relaxed attitude of Missouri and was shocked by the situation she encountered on an out-of-town trip. “I took a bus trip from Atlanta to Pensacola and I encountered the worse racism that I have ever seen. I was at bus stop, I went in to be served and they would not serve me. There was a policeman sitting there at the table and he told me that privately owned places could select not to serve you.” Newsom describes her experience of marching in Montgomery as being one with a purpose. “We felt as though we achieved something - we felt a sense of unity,” Newsom said. “We were very excited (because) we were going to hear from Martin Luther King. To actually be in the presence of him and the other civil rights workers there was just such enthusiasm and excitement yet there was also some apprehension of what we might encounter.” Many of the marchers showed their inspiration and determination while pressing forward towards the grounds of the Alabama Capitol building. Newsom recalled that the marchers were singing the lyrics “ain’t gonna let nobody turn me around” and “we shall overcome.” “ I started seeing people just like me,” Newsom said. “I don’t recall any of the scowling, the hitting, the things I would see on TV later. I just saw a sea of humanity marching towards the Capitol. I don’t remember what Martin Luther King said but it was always the same message: keep the faith; we’re going to get where we’re going and let us remember what our purpose is.” Newsom offers advice on what individuals can do to make their society a more productive and peaceful place. “We have come a long way and we have ways to change things that we did not have before,” Newsom said. “You need to work in positive ways to change.” Referencing the recent unrest in Ferguson, Mo., she believes that people become destructive as a way to show and vent anger. Her generation, she says, was raised to react in lawful ways – and believe in hope. “We have faith to do things in a way that was lawful and it makes me sad what people do when they feel without hope, and there is hope,” Newsom says. “Non-violence does work - we need to include everyone to make this world a better place.” Newsom graduated from Lincoln in 1969 and describes her experience at Lincoln as, “I grew up and did more growing at Lincoln than I think I did for the rest of my life.”

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Deregulated production of nitric oxide (NO) has been implicated in the development of certain human diseases, including cancer. We sought to assess the damaging potential of NO produced under long-term conditions through the development of a suitable model cell culture system. In this study, we report that when murine macrophage-like RAW264.7 cells were exposed continuously to bacterial lipopolysaccharide (LPS) or mouse recombinant interferon-γ (IFN-γ) over periods of 21–23 days, they continued to grow, but with doubling times 2 to 4 times, respectively, longer than the doubling time of unstimulated cells. Stimulated cells produced NO at rates of 30 to 70 nmol per million cells per day throughout the stimulation period. Within 24 hr after removal of stimulant, cells resumed exponential growth. Simultaneous exposure to LPS and IFN-γ resulted in decreased cell number, which persisted for 2 days after removal of the stimulants. Exponential growth was attained only after an additional 4 days. Addition of N-methyl-l-arginine (NMA), an NO synthase inhibitor, to the medium inhibited NO production by 90% of all stimulated cells, partially reduced doubling time of cells stimulated with LPS or IFN-γ, and partially increased viability and growth rates in those exposed to both LPS and IFN-γ. However, when incubated with LPS and IFN-γ at low densities both in the presence and in the absence of NMA, cells grew at a rate slower than that of unstimulated cells, with no cell death, and they resumed exponential growth 24 hr after removal of stimulants. Results from cell density experiments suggest that macrophages are protected from intracellularly generated NO; much of the NO damaging activity occurred outside of the producer cells. Collectively, results presented in this study suggest that the type of cellular toxicity observed in macrophages is markedly influenced by rate of exposure to NO: at low rates of exposure, cells exhibit slower growth; at higher rates, cells begin to die; at even higher rates, cells undergo growth arrest or die. The ability of RAW264.7 cells to produce NO over many cell generations makes the cell line a useful system for the study of other aspects of cellular damage, including genotoxicity, resulting from exposure to NO under long-term conditions.

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Assembly and modulation of focal adhesions during dynamic adhesive processes are poorly understood. We describe here the use of ventral plasma membranes from adherent fibroblasts to explore mechanisms regulating integrin distribution and function in a system that preserves the integration of these receptors into the plasma membrane. We find that partial disruption of the cellular organization responsible for the maintenance of organized adhesive sites allows modulation of integrin distribution by divalent cations. High Ca2+ concentrations induce quasi-reversible diffusion of β1 integrins out of focal adhesions, whereas low Ca2+ concentrations induce irreversible recruitment of β1 receptors along extracellular matrix fibrils, as shown by immunofluorescence and electron microscopy. Both effects are independent from the presence of actin stress fibers in this system. Experiments with cells expressing truncated β1 receptors show that the cytoplasmic portion of β1 is required for low Ca2+-induced recruitment of the receptors to matrix fibrils. Analysis with function-modulating antibodies indicates that divalent cation-mediated receptor distribution within the membrane correlates with changes in the functional state of the receptors. Moreover, reconstitution experiments show that purified α-actinin colocalizes and redistributes with β1 receptors on ventral plasma membranes depleted of actin, implicating binding of α-actinin to the receptors. Finally, we found that recruitment of exogenous actin is specifically restricted to focal adhesions under conditions in which new actin polymerization is inhibited. Our data show that the described system can be exploited to investigate the mechanisms of integrin function in an experimental setup that permits receptor redistribution. The possibility to uncouple, under cell-free conditions, events involved in focal adhesion and actin cytoskeleton assembly should facilitate the comprehension of the underlying molecular mechanisms.

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This report concerns a clinical trial for rheumatoid arthritis (RA), approved by the US National Institutes of Health and the Food and Drug Administration. An amphotropic retrovirus (MFG-IRAP) was used ex vivo to transfer a cDNA encoding human interleukin-1 receptor antagonist (IL-1Ra) to synovium. The protocol required the transduced cells to secrete at least 30 ng IL-1Ra/106 cells per 48 h before reimplantation. Here we have evaluated various protocols for their efficiency in transducing cultures of human rheumatoid synoviocytes. The most reliably efficient methods used high titer retrovirus (approximately 108 infectious particles/ml). Transduction efficiency was increased further by exposing the cells to virus under flow-through conditions. The use of dioctadecylamidoglycylspermine (DOGS) as a polycation instead of Polybrene (hexadimethrine bromide) provided an additional small increment in efficiency. Under normal conditions of static transduction, standard titer, clinical grade retrovirus (approximately 5 × 105 infectious particles/ml) failed to achieve the expression levels required by the clinical trial. However, the shortfall could be remedied by increasing the time of transduction under static conditions, transducing under flow-through conditions, or transducing during centrifugation.

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The intellectual property laws in the United States provide the owners of intellectual property with discretion to license the right to use that property or to make or sell products that embody the intellectual property. However, the antitrust laws constrain the use of property, including intellectual property, by a firm with market power and may place limitations on the licensing of intellectual property. This paper focuses on one aspect of antitrust law, the so-called “essential facilities doctrine,” which may impose a duty upon firms controlling an “essential facility” to make that facility available to their rivals. In the intellectual property context, an obligation to make property available is equivalent to a requirement for compulsory licensing. Compulsory licensing may embrace the requirement that the owner of software permit access to the underlying code so that others can develop compatible application programs. Compulsory licensing may undermine incentives for research and development by reducing the value of an innovation to the inventor. This paper shows that compulsory licensing also may reduce economic efficiency in the short run by facilitating the entry of inefficient producers and by promoting licensing arrangements that result in higher prices.

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RNA viruses are excellent experimental models for studying evolution under the theoretical framework of population genetics. For a proper justification of this thesis we have introduced some properties of RNA viruses that are relevant for studying evolution. On the other hand, population genetics is a reductionistic theory of evolution. It does not consider or make simplistic assumptions on the transformation laws within and between genotypic and phenotypic spaces. However, such laws are minimized in the case of RNA viruses because the phenotypic space maps onto the genotypic space in a much more linear way than on higher DNA-based organisms. Under experimental conditions, we have tested the role of deleterious and beneficial mutations in the degree of adaptation of vesicular stomatitis virus (VSV), a nonsegmented virus of negative strand. We also have studied how effective population size, initial genetic variability in populations, and environmental heterogeneity shapes the impact of mutations in the evolution of vesicular stomatitis virus. Finally, in an integrative attempt, we discuss pros and cons of the quasispecies theory compared with classic population genetics models for haploid organisms to explain the evolution of RNA viruses.

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Barley (Hordeum vulgare L.) plants were grown at different photon flux densities ranging from 100 to 1800 μmol m−2 s−1 in air and/or in atmospheres with reduced levels of O2 and CO2. Low O2 and CO2 partial pressures allowed plants to grow under high photosystem II (PSII) excitation pressure, estimated in vivo by chlorophyll fluorescence measurements, at moderate photon flux densities. The xanthophyll-cycle pigments, the early light-inducible proteins, and their mRNA accumulated with increasing PSII excitation pressure irrespective of the way high excitation pressure was obtained (high-light irradiance or decreased CO2 and O2 availability). These findings indicate that the reduction state of electron transport chain components could be involved in light sensing for the regulation of nuclear-encoded chloroplast gene expression. In contrast, no correlation was found between the reduction state of PSII and various indicators of the PSII light-harvesting system, such as the chlorophyll a-to-b ratio, the abundance of the major pigment-protein complex of PSII (LHCII), the mRNA level of LHCII, the light-saturation curve of O2 evolution, and the induced chlorophyll-fluorescence rise. We conclude that the chlorophyll antenna size of PSII is not governed by the redox state of PSII in higher plants and, consequently, regulation of early light-inducible protein synthesis is different from that of LHCII.

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Macromolecular interactions define many biological phenomena. Although genetic methods are available to identify novel protein-protein and DNA-protein interactions, no genetic system has thus far been described to identify molecules or mutations that dissociate known interactions. Herein, we describe genetic systems that detect such events in the yeast Saccharomyces cerevisiae. We have engineered yeast strains in which the interaction of two proteins expressed in the context of the two-hybrid system or the interaction between a DNA-binding protein and its binding site in the context of the one-hybrid system is deleterious to growth. Under these conditions, dissociation of the interaction provides a selective growth advantage, thereby facilitating detection. These methods referred to as the "reverse two-hybrid system" and "reverse one-hybrid system" facilitate the study of the structure-function relationships and regulation of protein-protein and DNA-protein interactions. They should also facilitate the selection of dissociator molecules that could be used as therapeutic agents.

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Plasmodium falciparum malaria parasites were transformed with plasmids containing P. falciparum or Toxoplasma gondii dihydrofolate reductase-thymidylate synthase (dhfr-ts) coding sequences that confer resistance to pyrimethamine. Under pyrimethamine pressure, transformed parasites were obtained that maintained the transfected plasmids as unrearranged episomes for several weeks. These parasite populations were replaced after 2 to 3 months by parasites that had incorporated the transfected DNA into nuclear chromosomes. Depending upon the particular construct used for transformation, homologous integration was detected in the P. falciparum dhfr-ts locus (chromosome 4) or in hrp3 and hrp2 sequences that were used in the plasmid constructs as gene control regions (chromosomes 13 and 8, respectively). Transformation by homologous integration sets the stage for targeted gene alterations and knock-outs that will advance understanding of P. falciparum.

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Despite the critical role that terrestrial vegetation plays in the Earth's carbon cycle, very little is known about the potential evolutionary responses of plants to anthropogenically induced increases in concentrations of atmospheric CO2. We present experimental evidence that rising CO2 concentration may have a direct impact on the genetic composition and diversity of plant populations but is unlikely to result in selection favoring genotypes that exhibit increased productivity in a CO2-enriched atmosphere. Experimental populations of an annual plant (Abutilon theophrasti, velvetleaf) and a temperate forest tree (Betula alleghaniensis, yellow birch) displayed responses to increased CO2 that were both strongly density-dependent and genotype-specific. In competitive stands, a higher concentration of CO2 resulted in pronounced shifts in genetic composition, even though overall CO2-induced productivity enhancements were small. For the annual species, quantitative estimates of response to selection under competition were 3 times higher at the elevated CO2 level. However, genotypes that displayed the highest growth responses to CO2 when grown in the absence of competition did not have the highest fitness in competitive stands. We suggest that increased CO2 intensified interplant competition and that selection favored genotypes with a greater ability to compete for resources other than CO2. Thus, while increased CO2 may enhance rates of selection in populations of competing plants, it is unlikely to result in the evolution of increased CO2 responsiveness or to operate as an important feedback in the global carbon cycle. However, the increased intensity of selection and drift driven by rising CO2 levels may have an impact on the genetic diversity in plant populations.