The cost of treating severe refractory asthma in the UK: an economic analysis from the British Thoracic Society Difficult Asthma Registry

Severe refractory asthma poses a substantial burden in terms of healthcare costs but relatively little is known about the factors which drive these costs. This study uses data from the British Thoracic Society Difficult Asthma Registry (n=596) to estimate direct healthcare treatment costs from an National Health Service perspective and examines factors that explain variations in costs. Annual mean treatment costs among severe refractory asthma patients were £2912 (SD £2212) to £4217 (SD £2449). Significant predictors of costs were FEV1% predicted, location of care, maintenance oral corticosteroid treatment and body mass index. Treating individuals with severe refractory asthma presents a substantial cost to the health service.

HRM and the employment of older workers: Germany and Britain compared

This study examines Human Resource Management (HRM) policies and practices towards older workers in Britain and Germany. While it is widely suggested that older workers have to be better integrated into the labour market, youth-centric HRM is still prevalent. However, HRM is shaped by multiple and contradictory pressures from the international and national institutional environments. We test this dynamic by analysing two national surveys, the German firm panel (IAB)1 and the British Workplace and Employment Relations Survey (WERS).2 Our findings suggest that the institutional environment shapes HR policies and practices distinctively in both countries. We find that age discrimination at the workplace is more prevalent in Germany than in Britain, which can be explained by divergent institutional patterns. As a result, we argue that although both countries will have to continue fostering an age-neutral HR approach, this has to take country-specific institutional peculiarities into account.

The Marquess of Londonderry: Aristocracy, Power and Politics in Britain and Ireland

The decline and fall of the British aristocracy looked headlong and irreversible in the twentieth century yet many grandees tried to preserve their power, wealth and influence by every means - and with some success. There is no better example than the Seventh Marquess of Londonderry whose life from 1878 to 1949 spanned and mirrored the period. The Londonderrys had enjoyed immense wealth in land and minerals in Britain and Ireland for centuries, played leading roles in Parliament and the state, and in an earlier time the Seventh Marquess would have continued in the family tradition of patrician prominence. Drawing upon original state and family papers, N.C. Fleming places the Londonderrys in the context of the history and the political theory of aristocracy and shows the constant struggle - not without success - against marginalisation. The theme runs through Londonderry's career as Conservative MP, on the Irish Viceroy's Council, as a junior minister in Lloyd Geroge's coalition, at the Air Ministry with Trenchard - the 'father of the RAF' - and in the National Government. Perhaps an element of desperation entered in his private business ventures and with contacts with the far Right - all in sharp contrast to past family achievement.

'Incorrigibly Plural’: New Histories of Ulster and Northern Ireland’

Review article of Carson’s Army: The Ulster Volunteer Force, 1910–22. By Timothy Bowman. Manchester University Press, Manchester, 2007. 256 pp. ISBN 0719073715, £55. A History of the Northern Ireland Labour Party: Democratic Socialism and Sectarianism. By Aaron Edwards. Manchester University Press, Manchester, 2009. xiii + 240 pp. ISBN 0719078741, £60. Catholic Belfast and Nationalist Ireland in the Era of Joe Devlin 1871–1934. By A.C. Hepburn. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2008. xix +307 pp. ISBN 019929884X, £55. The Big House in the North of Ireland: Land, Power and Social Elites, 1878–1960. By Olwen Purdue. University College Dublin Press, Dublin, 2009. xv + 297 pp. ISBN 978-1-906359-25-6, £24.

The Falkland Islands War of 1982: a legal, diplomatic and strategic evaluation

The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.

The law of the sea: the United States, Canada and the deep seabed

The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.

Commemorative stamps, British, American and Canadian, 1974-1977, 1982-1984, 1996.

The Guernsey post office stamps consist of 2 exhibition series souvenir sheets commemorating Major-General Sir Issac Brock, 1769-1812. The stamp was issued in 1996 to celebrate Guernsey’s attendance at Canada’s international stamp exhibition CAPEX 96. The stamps issued by the United States postal service consist of 1 sheet of stamps commemorating the 50th anniversary of the Peace Bridge, 1927-1977. The stamps issued by Canada Post include 5 commemorative day-of-issue envelopes with stamps featuring William Hamilton Merritt and the Welland Canal. This stamp was issued in 1974 to celebrate the 150th anniversary of the canal. There is also a set of 4 inscription corner blocks of stamps. These items are contained in an envelope addressed to Mr. J.N. Jackson, St. Catharines, ON. There is also a separate sheet of the same stamp. Also issued by Canada Post are 2 full sheets of stamps, one commemorating the 50th anniversary of the Peace Bridge (1927-1977), and one commemorating 25 years of the St. Lawrence Seaway (1959-1984). Lastly, there are 2 full sheets of stamps commemorating the 100th anniversary of the Royal Henley Regatta, issued in 1982.

Clopton Charter

Translation of Clopton Charter Let those who are present and those in future know that I Robert de Clopton gave and granted to my son, William, one yardland which is part of the Clopton estate / manorial demesne with all its appurtenances in exchange for his homage and service , and that I have confirmed it with this charter . The yardland in question is that which he once held as heriot / heritable property . [I have given and granted it to him] to be held and kept by him and his heirs freely and undisputedly as a holding granted in return for services and as hereditable property from me and my heirs. For this he has to pay an annual rent of twelve silver pennies, in two installments per year: six on the Feast Day of St. Michael and six on the Feast Day of St. Mary in March , on the income that belongs to me and to my heirs, without neglecting income from elsewhere; together with all goods and privileges attached to the aformentioned land in the form of fields and pastures and everything which belongs to said yardland. And I, Robert, and all my heirs shall warrant all this aforementioned yardland together with all its appurtenances to said William and his heirs against all other claims in perpetuity . However, in order that this gift and grant of mine may remain firm and immovable, I have validated this charter with my seal in the presence of [the following] witnesses: the knights Sir William of Ludinton [and] Sir Robert of Valle. William of Edricheston, William of Waleford, Robert of Sidesam, Richard of Ludinton, Nicholas the scribe , and others.

The Butler papers - Pt. I. 1711-1777

Documents and papers relating to Colonel John Butler and his corps of rangers. Pt.I. 1711-1777

The Butler papers - Pt. II. 1778-1779

Documents and papers relating to Colonel John Butler and his corps of rangers, Pt. II. 1778-1779.

The Butler papers - Pt. III. 1780-1782

Documents and papers relating to Colonel John Butler and his corps of rangers. Pt.III. 1780-1782.

The Butler papers - Pt. IV. 1783-1977

Documents and papers relating to Colonel John Butler and his corps of rangers. Pt.IV. 1783-1977.

La pensée navale et le débat sur la torpille en Angleterre au cours de la décennie 1880

L’évolution du débat sur la pensée navale en Angleterre de la décennie 1880, suivant la fin d’une période d’intenses changements technologiques dans les marines de guerre est marquée par le déclin d’un mode de réflexion matériel et l’ascension, à partir des années 1885 et 1886, de l’école historique de John Knox Laughton. Selon la méthode matérielle, populaire au cours de la période de transformation technique, la guerre sur mer est entièrement tributaire du Progrès, tandis que, pour les tenants de la méthode historique, des principes et des leçons immuables la régissent. À travers l’évolution de ce débat, on constate l’introduction, par la Jeune École française, d’une perspective matérialiste et de la stratégie navale comme objet de réflexion, et son exploitation par l’école historique anglaise. L’émergence de la stratégie comme sujet de débat coïncide donc avec le triomphe de l’école historique. Croyant que la torpille allait démocratiser la puissance navale en empêchant le belligérant le plus puissant d’user de sa maîtrise des mers, la Jeune École connut un succès fulgurant qui déborda des côtes françaises et atteint l’Angleterre. Néanmoins, les matérialistes anglais, demeurant beaucoup plus modérés que les français, furent finalement marginalisés par une école historique utilisant les exagérations de la Jeune École, dont les insuffisances sont apparues lors des manœuvres de l’été 1886, pour disqualifier entièrement la méthode matérielle. Étudiant les débats du Royal United Service Institution Journal, ce mémoire démontre l’existence, en Angleterre, au cours de la décennie 1880, d’un débat polarisé au contraire d’une historiographie ne montrant que l’ascension des précurseurs de Mahan et de l’école historique.

Le regard de l'allié britannique sur la France et son armée durant la guerre de Crimée

Ce mémoire est une étude d’un cas de rapprochement entre deux pays. Pendant la guerre de Crimée, la Grande-Bretagne s’allia à la France du Second Empire. Ennemie traditionnelle, la France est toujours considérée comme une menace. La coopération forcée entre les deux pays, résultat des circonstances, est à la base de la présente recherche. Des milliers de militaires et de civils des deux pays travaillèrent ensemble pendant deux ans. Les correspondances britanniques révèlent une fraternisation plus importante que ce qui est relevé dans l’historiographie. D’après les théories de Gordon Allport sur la diminution des préjugés, toutes les conditions nécessaires à un rapprochement se retrouvaient en Crimée. Les étapes, définies par Allport, qui mènent à cette fraternisation se perçoivent aussi dans les lettres personnelles. Ce rapprochement eut des conséquences sous-estimées : les Britanniques se comparèrent aux Français et leur fierté céda la place à une importante autocritique. Cela déclencha des controverses dans l’armée et dans les journaux dès le début de la guerre, longtemps avant les scandales de l’hiver 1854-1855.

Frecuencia de situaciones inseguras según el registro de una clínica privada de tercer nivel de Bogotá

Introducción: La seguridad del paciente es una prioridad en la atención en salud a nivel mundial, conllevando a que las instituciones empleen estrategias para fomentar su cultura, dentro de ellas el registro de situaciones inseguras. Objetivo: Determinar frecuencia de registro de situaciones inseguras asociadas a la atención de salud en una clínica privada de tercer nivel de Bogotá, durante el periodo mayo a noviembre de 2013. Método: Estudio descriptivo, realizado a partir de una base de datos secundaria de registros diligenciados por el personal de la clínica. Resultados: se reportaron 379 situaciones inseguras, incidentes (52%), eventos adversos (36%) y riesgos (12%). La situación insegura más reportada según el tipo fue uso seguro de medicamentos y dispositivos médicos (36,93%). Por servicio el que más reportó fue hospitalización (47%) y urgencias (21%), el cargo que más reportó por enfermería (72,5%). Conclusión: La implementación de estrategias orientadas a estimular el reporte favorece la identificación de fallas en el proceso de atención disminuyendo la frecuencia de eventos adversos. Siendo este un primer paso en el programa de seguridad del paciente.