859 resultados para Embrey Human RIghts Program


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En este trabajo reconstruimos sintéticamente el proceso de constitución de Mansión Seré como un lugar de memoria (Nora, 1984). Durante los primeros años de la última dictadura militar en Argentina (1976-1983), esta casona funcionó como centro de tortura y desaparición de personas. En el año 2000, el Estado local junto a organismos de Derechos Humanos decidieron convertirla en un espacio de rememoración y transmisión de lo ocurrido bajo el terrorismo de Estado. A partir de documentos y entrevistas, reconstruimos y analizamos los antecedentes político-institucionales del desarrollo de una política de la memoria y el proceso inicial de elaboración de un programa de memoria en este sitio

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En este trabajo reconstruimos sintéticamente el proceso de constitución de Mansión Seré como un lugar de memoria (Nora, 1984). Durante los primeros años de la última dictadura militar en Argentina (1976-1983), esta casona funcionó como centro de tortura y desaparición de personas. En el año 2000, el Estado local junto a organismos de Derechos Humanos decidieron convertirla en un espacio de rememoración y transmisión de lo ocurrido bajo el terrorismo de Estado. A partir de documentos y entrevistas, reconstruimos y analizamos los antecedentes político-institucionales del desarrollo de una política de la memoria y el proceso inicial de elaboración de un programa de memoria en este sitio

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Since the year 2000 when the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, human trafficking has been regarded as one of the egregious violations of human rights, and global efforts have been made to eradicate it. The anti-trafficking framework has multiple dimensions, and the way the anti-trafficking framework is constructed influences its impact on the victims and non-trafficked migrants. This paper will analyze the impact of the anti-trafficking framework on the experiences of Burmese victims and non-trafficked migrants in Thailand. I will question the conventional framework of anti-trafficking, and seek to construct a framework more appropriate for addressing victims' actual needs. In conclusion, the anti-trafficking framework should serve the best interest of the victim; still, it should not be one which might adversely affect the interest of the would-be victim who is not identified as a victim according to the law.

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In order to prevent, suppress and punish human trafficking, bilateral agreements between origin of victim countries and destination countries are crucial, because their cooperation involves cross-border activities such as repatriation of victims, extradition of criminals and information-sharing. This article analyzes three bilateral legal instruments between The Government of The Kingdom of Thailand and her three neighboring countries, namely The Royal Government of Cambodia, The Government of Lao People's Democratic Republic and The Government of The Union of Myanmar. The analysis will examine the legal status of the victim, the victim as witness in criminal proceedings, the victim protection programs, the recovery and restitution of damages, the process of repatriating the victim, and the prosecution of the criminal.

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This working paper explores human smuggling and human trafficking through international marriage. It focuses on Japan's criminal justice response, while examining the major stakeholders involved in this activity. The paper focuses on the time period from 2008-2013. International marriages, particularly commercially brokered arrangements, have rapidly increased throughout East and Southeast Asia, with more women from less developed countries moving to richer destinations. The increasing prevalence of brokered marriages, and the overall numbers of marriage migrants, provides cover for criminal organizations to smuggle labor migrants on false marriages, and to send some migrants into what are clearly human trafficking situations.

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Ao assumir o compromisso com a prevenção e tratamento, baseada no princípio da integralidade, a estratégia brasileira, fez a diferença na resposta nacional à aids nas décadas de 1980/90 e criou um novo paradigma que mostrou-se avançado do ponto de vista técnico, ético e político, contribuindo para a mudança nas recomendações das agências internacionais (OMS\\Banco Mundial) - do \"não tratar e só prevenir\" do início dos anos 1990, para o \"Tratamento como Prevenção\", base da atual proposta dos 90/90/90. Essa estratégia de controle da epidemia concentra responsabilidade na Rede de Serviços, em um período de discussão sobre mudanças no modelo de atenção a ser priorizado no país. Características relevantes dos contextos político e programáticos permitiram uma maior efetivação do cuidado às PVHA no Estado de São Paulo. O objetivo do presente estudo é recuperar a história do Centro de Referência e Treinamento em DST/Aids (CRT) na gestão e organização programática do cuidado em HIV/Aids no Estado de São Paulo, no período de 1988 a 2015, interpretando-a sob a perspectiva dos aspectos facilitadores e limitadores da incorporação prática do princípio da integralidade às ações de saúde. Realizou-se, nesse sentido, uma revisão narrativa da literatura sobre o tema da integralidade no campo da Saúde Coletiva Brasileira nas últimas cinco décadas. Tomando por base o cotejamento com esse desenvolvimento conceitual, a trajetória do CRT foi analisada por meio de entrevistas com atores-chaves no processo da gestão e organização programática do cuidado das PVHA no Estado de São Paulo, e análise dos documentos produzidos no processo. Esta análise foi organizada em torno de dois grandes eixos temáticos: (1) a criação e estruturação do CRT, e (2) as relações entre o CRT, os Programas Municipais de DST/aids e a rede de serviços assistenciais no Estado de São Paulo. Entre os resultados do estudo, destacam-se o resgate e reflexão crítica sobre o desenvolvimento dos discursos tecnocientíficos sobre integralidade no contexto das propostas de reforma da saúde no Brasil; a incorporação desses construtos às propostas desenvolvidas pelo CRT, especialmente em torno aos conceitos de vulnerabilidade, cuidado, clínica ampliada e direitos humanos em saúde; e a identificação de arranjos institucionais, estratégias técnicas e configurações políticas que permitiram ao CRT o exercício articulado de três níveis de gestão do cuidado (das PVHA, dos serviços e da Rede) numa mesma plataforma. Conclui-se apontando alcances e limites na efetivação da integralidade, que se mostraram desiguais nos três níveis de gestão do cuidado. Aponta-se maiores avanços na dimensão gerencial da rede e as maiores dificuldades na efetivação da integralidade no cuidado das PVHA e na gestão dos serviços de saúde

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Women and children become victims of human trafficking and exploitation as a result of economic globalization, national history, social structures, and geographical positioning. Human trafficking has increasingly become a global crisis of human rights violations, threatening the lives of women and children in developing countries, like the Philippines. The Philippines can evolve into a model for ending the exploitation of human trafficking if the government commits to implementing internationally recognized strategies, such as strengthening the prosecution of traffickers, providing efficient support for victims, and partnering with international organizations and local non-governmental organizations to further prevent human trafficking from occurring. The results will be felt locally, nationally, and internationally, helping the global community meet the challenges of the Millennium Development Goals.

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For more than 10 years after the signature of the Treaty of Rome in 1957, the question of the protection of human rights had never been in issue. The emphasis was on the creation and consolidation of the common market establishing the free movement of persons, of services, of goods and of capital. Neither the initial Treaties nor the jurisprudence of the Court made any reference to the protection of human rights in the process of the creation of the common market. It all started in 1969 in the Stauder case with this very short sentence: “Interpreted in this way the provision at issue contains nothing capable of prejudicing the fundamental human rights enshrined in the general principles of Community law and protected by the Court”. Forty years later, with the adoption of the Treaty of Lisbon, which came into force on 1 December 2009, fundamental rights are part of primary law. The achievement has been remarkable if we consider the very beginning of the process. It is not an exaggeration to say that the Court with its jurisprudence has been the driving force and the source of inspiration for this achievement.

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From the Introduction. May I say how delighted I am at this opportunity of talking to you today about the perspective of a Strasbourg judge on the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. It goes without saying that the views I here express are not to be attributed to the Court itself; yet they may be taken as reflecting, in a general sense, what I regard to be the Strasbourg approach.

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The promotion of women’s rights is described as a priority within the external action of the European Union (EU). As a result of the Arab Spring uprisings which have been ongoing since 2011, democracy and human rights have been pushed to the forefront of European policy towards the Euro-Mediterranean region. The EU could capitalise on these transformations to help positively reshape gender relations or it could fail to adapt. Thus, the Arab Spring can be seen to serve as a litmus test for the EU’s women’s rights policy. This paper examines how and to what extent the EU diffuses women’s rights in this region, by using Ian Manners’ ‘Normative Power Europe’ as the conceptual framework. It argues that while the EU tries to behave as a normative force for women’s empowerment by way of ‘informational diffusion’, ‘transference’ ‘procedural diffusion’ and ‘overt diffusion’; its efforts could, and should, be strengthened. There are reservations over the EU’s credibility, choice of engagement and its commitment in the face of security and ideological concerns. Moreover, it seems that the EU focuses more intently on women’s political rights than on their social and economic freedoms.

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This study examines the protection of fundamental rights, democracy and rule of law in the European Union, and the challenges that arise in reflecting on ways to strengthen EU competences in these contested terrains. It provides a ‘state of play’ and critical account of EU-level policy and legal mechanisms assessing the relationship between rule of law, democracy and fundamental rights in the member states of the Union. The cross-cutting challenges affecting their uses, effective implementation and practical operability constitute a central point of the analysis. The study argues that the relationship between rule of law, democracy and fundamental rights is co-constitutive. Any future rule of law-related policy discussion in the EU should start from an understanding of the triangular relationship between these dimensions from the perspective of ‘democratic rule of law with fundamental rights’, i.e. the legally based rule of a democratic state that delivers fundamental rights. The three criteria are inherently and indivisibly interconnected, and interdependent on each of the others, and they cannot be separated without inflicting profound damage to the whole and changing its essential shape and configuration.

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The European Agency for the Management of Operational Cooperation at the External Borders of the Member States of the European Union (Frontex) was created to improve border management cooperation between Member States. Seen from its inception as a security-oriented body, tools and rules have been gradually developed to enhance the human rights dimension and protection regarding Frontex activities. However, this step has not been accompanied with the explicit recognition of Frontex’s legal responsibility regarding violations of human rights occurring during joint operations it coordinates. Despite Frontex position rejecting such a responsibility, it is no longer clear whether this position can be maintained, as Yves Pascouau and Pascal Schumacher demonstrate in this Policy Brief.

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This Working Paper offers detailed analysis of EU-UNICEF cooperation on the rights of the child in the European Union's external relations, in particular as regards linkages between the EU policy priorities and concrete actions to advance the protection and promotion of child rights in third countries. It addresses a number of crucial questions: how has the EU’s external policy on the rights of the child developed over the past decade, what were these developments influenced by and what role did UNICEF play in these processes; what is the legal and policy framework for EU-UNICEF cooperation in foreign policy and what added-value it brings; what mechanisms are used by the EU and UNICEF to improve child rights protection in third countries and what are the motivations behind their field cooperation. The study starts by examining the development of the EU’s foreign policy on the rights of the child and covers the legal basis enshrined in EU treaties, the policy framework, and the implementation instruments and then investigates the evolution of the EU’s relations with the United Nations. The paper focuses on the EU’s cooperation with UNICEF by looking into the legal and political framework for EU-UNICEF relations, the policy-oriented cooperation and joint implementation of projects on the ground in third countries. This section outlines the rationale behind the practical cooperation as well as the factors for success and obstacles hindering the delivery of sustainable results. Finally, the Working Paper concludes with suggestions on how EU-UNICEF cooperation could be further enhanced following recent developments, namely the 2012 EU Strategic Framework and the Action Plan on Human Rights as well as human rights country strategies.

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Introduction. This chapter takes a closer look at the European Union (EU), China, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)’s respective approaches to dealing with non-traditional security (NTS) challenges by investigating their policies toward Burma/Myanmar—a source country of numerous such challenges. It argues that, although all, as members of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), see the need for multilateral solutions to fight organized crime, provide disaster relief, combat terrorism, prevent drug trafficking, etc., they differ with respect to the steps to be taken to protect human security in Asia-Pacific. China, initially hesitant to join the ARF for fear that other members might try to contain it, has come to value the principal forum for NTS challenges in the Asia-Pacific region since, like many ASEAN countries, it is a big proponent of non-interventionism, non-use of force, consensus decision-making, that is, the confidence-building mechanisms commonly referred to as the ‘ASEAN way’.2 The EU, as a strong proponent of human rights and the rule of law, repeatedly, has criticized ARF members for allowing sovereignty-related norms to get in the way of the protection of human rights, but it has refrained from assuming the role of norm exporter. As will be seen in the case of Burma/Myanmar, the EU does make its opinions heard and, when necessary, will take unilateral steps not supported by the ASEAN members of the ARF but, cognizant of the history of the region, for the most part, settles for supporting economic development and aiding in capacity-building, understanding that it would be counter-productive to exert pressure on reluctant ARF members to modify the non-interference norm. The chapter then speculates about the ‘ASEAN way’s’ longevity, arguing that, increasingly, there are internal and external dynamics that seem to indicate that the ‘ASEAN way,’ at least in its current form, may not be here to stay. The conclusion looks at what might be in store for Burma/Myanmar in the years to come.

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Prostitution is an extremely contentious topic, for political forces as well as civil society. The recent position adopted by Amnesty International in favour of a full decriminalization of this activity is an opportunity to launch a critical debate on this issue, at the global and European levels. Because of its close connections with human trafficking and migration, prostitution is indeed an inherently trans-national phenomenon requiring solutions beyond the strictly national level. This policy brief summarizes the main arguments of the debate and outlines a few alternative propositions.