934 resultados para Education -Working class


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Educational aspirations during lower secondary school and choice of upper secondary education are important for young people’s future trajectories into higher education and labour market positions. In line with ideas about reflexive, autonomous individuals (Giddens, 1991), choice of education is often represented as a young person’ individual decision, and educational guidance as aimed at discovering what ‘fits’ an individual’s personality, interests and abilities. Educational aspirations and choices are also social patterns that are reproduced. Some population categories represent exceptions from expected patterns of social reproduction of educational level and professions. In several countries, one such category is young people from families with migration experiences (Lauglo, 2000; Modood, 2004). In Norway, students have a legal right to non-compulsory upper secondary schooling and 96 percent of the students continue from lower to upper secondary school. In spite of positive developments regarding minority youths’ completion of upper secondary and higher education in later years, studies still persistently show lower educational attainment among minority youth, particularly among boys (Fekjaer, 2006). However, in lower secondary school, minor ity youth tend to have markedly higher educational aspirations and stronger learning motivation than their majority peers, as well as greater effort in school and strong adherence to school values (Lauglo, 2000) despite lower educational attainment or lower socio-economic backgrounds. In addition, gender differences in educational aspirations seem to be smaller among minority youth. The principal objective of the study in progress that will be presented in this paper, is to describe how processes relating to gendered, ethnic and class-based identities influence young people’s educational choices. The study is undertaken as a PhD project in social anthropology. The methodological approach is ethnographic longitudinal fieldwork in two multicultural lower secondary schools in Oslo. The study is part of a larger project that also include quantitative analyses of longitudinal data covering 9th graders in Oslo 2006 through four data collections during lower and upper secondary school.

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Although NK cells use invariant receptors to identify diseased cells, they nevertheless adapt to their environment, including the presence of certain MHC class I (MHC-I) molecules. This NK cell education, which is mediated by inhibitory receptors specific for MHC-I molecules, changes the responsiveness of activating NK cell receptors (licensing) and modifies the repertoire of MHC-I receptors used by NK cells. The fact that certain MHC-I receptors have the unusual capacity to recognize MHC-I molecules expressed by other cells (trans) and by the NK cell itself (cis) has raised the question regarding possible contributions of the two types of interactions to NK cell education. Although the analysis of an MHC-I receptor variant suggested a role for cis interaction for NK cell licensing, adoptive NK cell transfer experiments supported a key role for trans recognition. To reconcile some of these findings, we have analyzed the impact of cell type-specific deletion of an MHC-I molecule and of a novel MHC-I receptor variant on the education of murine NK cells when these mature under steady-state conditions in vivo. We find that MHC-I expression by NK cells (cis) and by T cells (trans), and MHC-I recognition in cis and in trans, are both needed for NK cell licensing. Unexpectedly, modifications of the MHC-I receptor repertoire are chiefly dependent on cis binding, which provides additional support for an essential role for this unconventional type of interaction for NK cell education. These data suggest that two separate functions of MHC-I receptors are needed to adapt NK cells to self-MHC-I.

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Following Government approval of a proposal by the Minister for Education and Science, an interdepartmental group was established with the remit of considering the question of the ‘Internationalisation’ of Irish education services. Issues that arose in the context of the group’s work include quality assurance, immigration and visa issues and abuse of the system, need for better regulation, future marketing and promotion arrangements, academic and institutional supports for international students and scholarships.

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Ireland can be justly proud of the history and quality of its medical education. Graduates of Irish medical schools are accepted globally as being of international standard and many of the most eminent of Irish medical professionals have returned to Ireland after periods of distinguished service in other countries. This high international standing is reflected in the large number of North American, African and Asian students attending medical school in Ireland. Indeed, the ability of Irish medical schools to successfully compete at an international level in terms of attracting students to Ireland, and to establish a range of strategic relationships with Universities and Governments in other countries is to be commended.

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Natural killer (NK) cells show enhanced functional competence when they express inhibitory receptors specific for inherited major histocompatibility complex class I (MHC-I) molecules. Current models imply that NK cell education requires an interaction of inhibitory receptors with MHC-I expressed on other cells. However, the inhibitory Ly49A receptor can also bind MHC-I ligand on the NK cell itself (in cis). Here we describe a Ly49A variant, which can engage MHC-I expressed on other cells but not in cis. Even though this variant inhibited NK cell effector function, it failed to educate NK cells. The association with MHC-I in cis sequestered wild-type Ly49A, and this was found to relieve NK cells from a suppressive effect of unengaged Ly49A. These data explain how inhibitory MHC-I receptors can facilitate NK cell activation. They dissociate classical inhibitory from educating functions of Ly49A and suggest that cis interaction of Ly49A is necessary for NK cell education.

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The Iowa Department of Education has joined the Office of the Governor to prepare a set of legislative proposals that will bring Iowa closer to its goal of providing a world-class education to all children, no mater where they live. This legislative brief serves as an overview of the legislation, which I encourage you to read and discuss in greater detail. the goals behind these policies are straightforward: Comprehensive and systematically raise and support the teaching profession while expanding efforts to customize instruction to every student's passion and talents. Iowa's children deserve the best education can provide so they leave our schools with the knowledge and skills necessary for successful and rewarding lives. Iowa has many good schools with hard-working, talented educators who deserves our respect and appreciation. While we honor the past work of generations of Iowans who built a strong foundation, it is our responsibility - and our turn - to make a focused, dedicated effort to improve Iowa's schools. We stand at a pivotal moment in Iowa storied education history, in which we have the opportunity and will as community to make the transition from being "good" to being "great".

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Catalonia is a bilingual country where the presence of English in the social context is small; the amount of input received by the primary education pupils is very little and this input mainly comes from the English lessons at school. Consequently, this situation combined with the increasing demand for English and the fact that the new generations want to become communicatively competent in English place the role of English teachers in a relevant position. This research project analyses the role of the English teacher talk; in particular, the study focuses on the teacher’s oral productions in foreign language lessons (EFL) and in content-based lessons (CLIL).

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This study applies a Marxist theoretical paradigm to examine the working conditions of greenhouse workers in the Niagara Region, and the range of factors that bear upon the formation of their class-consciousness. The Niagara greenhouse industry represents one of the most developed horticultural regions in Canada and plays a prominent role in the local economy. The industry generates substantial revenues and employs a significant number of people, yet the greenhouse workers are paid one of the lowest rates in the region. Being classified as agricultural workers, the greenhouse employees are exempted from many provisions of federal and provincial labour regulations. Under the current provincial statutes, agricultural workers in Ontario are denied the right to organize and bargain collectively. Except for a few technical and managerial positions, the greenhouse industry employs mostly low-skilled workers who are subjected to poor working conditions that stem from the employer's attempts to adapt to larger structural imperatives of the capitalist economy. While subjected to these poor working conditions, the greenhouse workers are also affected by objectively alienated social relations and by ruling class ideological domination and hegemony. These two sets of factors arise from the inherent conflict of interests between wage-labour and capital but also militate against the development of class-consciousness. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 12 greenhouse workers to examine the role played by their material circumstances in the formulation of their social and political views as well as the extent to which they are aware of their class location and class interests. The hegemonic notions of 'common sense' acted as impediments to formation of classconsciousness. The greenhouse workers have virtually no opportunities to access alternative perspectives that would address the issues associated with exploitation in production and offer solutions leading to 'social justice'. Fonnidable challenges confront any organized political body seeking to improve the conditions of the working people.

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Violence has always been a part of the human experience, and therefore, a popular topic for research. It is a controversial issue, mostly because the possible sources of violent behaviour are so varied, encompassing both biological and environmental factors. However, very little disagreement is found regarding the severity of this societal problem. Most researchers agree that the number and intensity of aggressive acts among adults and children is growing. Not surprisingly, many educational policies, programs, and curricula have been developed to address this concern. The research favours programs which address the root causes of violence and seek to prevent rather than provide consequences for the undesirable behaviour. But what makes a violence prevention program effective? How should educators choose among the many curricula on the market? After reviewing the literature surrounding violence prevention programs and their effectiveness, The Second Step Violence Prevention Curriculum surfaced as unique in many ways. It was designed to address the root causes of violence in an active, student-centred way. Empathy training, anger management, interpersonal cognitive problem solving, and behavioural social skills form the basis of this program. Published in 1992, the program has been the topic of limited research, almost entirely carried out using quantitative methodologies.The purpose of this study was to understand what happens when the Second Step Violence Prevention Curriculum is implemented with a group of students and teachers. I was not seeking a statistical correlation between the frequency of violence and program delivery, as in most prior research. Rather, I wished to gain a deeper understanding of the impact ofthe program through the eyes of the participants. The Second Step Program was taught to a small, primary level, general learning disabilities class by a teacher and student teacher. Data were gathered using interviews with the teachers, personal observations, staff reports, and my own journal. Common themes across the four types of data collection emerged during the study, and these themes were isolated and explored for meaning. Findings indicate that the program does not offer a "quick fix" to this serious problem. However, several important discoveries were made. The teachers feU that the program was effective despite a lack of concrete evidence to support this claim. They used the Second Step strategies outside their actual instructional time and felt it made them better educators and disciplinarians. The students did not display a marked change in their behaviour during or after the program implementation, but they were better able to speak about their actions, the source of their aggression, and the alternatives which were available. Although they were not yet transferring their knowledge into positive action,a heightened awareness was evident. Finally, staff reports and my own journal led me to a deeper understanding ofhow perception frames reality. The perception that the program was working led everyone to feel more empowered when a violent incident occurred, and efforts were made to address the cause rather than merely to offer consequences. A general feeling that we were addressing the problem in a productive way was prevalent among the staff and students involved. The findings from this investigation have many implications for research and practice. Further study into the realm of violence prevention is greatly needed, using a balance of quantitative and qualitative methodologies. Such a serious problem can only be effectively addressed with a greater understanding of its complexities. This study also demonstrates the overall positive impact of the Second Step Violence Prevention Curriculum and, therefore, supports its continued use in our schools.

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In this study, I use my own experiences in education as a former elementary student, research assistant, and as a current secondary school teacher, to examine how living in a marginalised rural community challenged by poverty affected my formal education. The purpose of this study was to use stories to: (a) explore my formative elementary education growing up in a community that was experiencing poverty, and; (b) to examine the impact and implications of these experiences for me as a teacher and researcher considering the topic of poverty and education. This study used narrative inquiry to explore stories of education, focusing on experiences living and working in a rural community. My role in the study was both as participant and researcher as I investigate, through story, how I was raised in a marginalised, rural community faced with challenges of poverty and how I relate to my current role as a teacher working in a similar, rural high school. My own experiences and reflections form the basis of the study, but I used the contributions of secondary participants to offer alternative perspective of my interpretation of events. Participants in this study were asked to write about and/or retell their lived stories of working in areas affected by challenging circumstances. From my stories and those of secondary participants, three themes were explored: student authorship, teaching practice, and community involvement. An examination of these themes through commonplaces of place, sociality and time (Connelly and Clandinin, 2006) provide a context for other educators and researchers to consider or reconsider teaching practices in school communities affected by poverty.

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The World Bank Report 2012 starts with this statement: “Gender equality matters in itself andit matters for development because, in today’s globalized worlds, countries that use the skillsand talents of their women would have an advantage over those which do not use it.” With theframe that suggest that gender equality matters, this paper describes some policy alternativesoriented to overcome gender disadvantages in the formal labor market incorporation of theurban middle class women in Colombia. On balance, the final recommendation suggest that itis desirable to adopt policy alternatives as Community Centers, which are programs orientedto a social redistribution of the domestic work as a way to encourage women participationin the formal labor market with the social support of the members of their own community.The problem that the social policy needs to address is the segregation of women in the formallabor market in Colombia. Although the evidence shows that the women overcome theeducational gap by showing better performance in education that their male peers, womenare still segregated of the labor market. The persistence of high rates of unemployment on thefemale population, the prevalence of the informal labor market as a women labor market, andthe presence of the payment difference between men and women with similar professionaltrainings are circumstances that sustain the segregation statement. These circumstances areinefficient for the society because an economic analysis shows that the cost of maintain the statuquo is externalized in the social security system that includes health, pension and maternityleave regimens. Therefore, the women segregation involves a market failure.This paper evaluates five policy alternatives each directed to the progress of a different causaldimension of the problem: (i) Quotas in the private market, (ii) Flexible working hours,(iii) replace the maternity leave with a family leave, (iv) Increase the Community Centers forredistributing the care work, and (v) Equal payment enforcement. The first alternative looksto increase women’s participation in the formal labor market. The second, third, and fourthalternatives constitute a package addressed at redistributing care work by reducing women’sresponsibility for reproductive work in the household with the help of husbands and the localgovernment. The fifth alternative intervenes to resolve the equal payment problem.After a four criteria evaluation that measure effectiveness, robustness and improbability inimplementation, efficiency and political acceptability or social opposition, the strongest alternativeis the fostering of Community Centers that promote a redistribution of care work. Thispolicy performs well in the assessment process because it combines gender focus with importantindirect effects: child support and human capabilities. The policy also shows a bottomup implementation process that overcomes the main adoption difficulties in the gender focusprograms and is supported by strong evidence of success in the Colombian context; this evidenceis produced by both transnational actors as a World Bank and also in local accountabilityreporters executed by local institutions like Colombian Institute of Family Welfare (ICBF).