Nuclear Weapons as Symbols. The Role of Norms in Nuclear Policy Making

Throughout history, nuclear weapons have been considered to be the ultimate weapons. This understanding largely detached them from the portfolio of conventional military means and assigned them a symbolic meaning that influenced the identity and norms creation of nations. In most countries today, the development of nuclear weapons is considered morally prohibitive, incompatible with a country’s identity and international outlook. In some states, however, these negative norms are overridden by a positive set of norms, causing nuclear weapons to become either symbols of invulnerability to perceived threats or the regalia of major power status. Main purpose of this paper is to explore on the conditions that cause most states to develop a moral aversion to nuclear weapons, yet effectively lead to their glorification in others. Many studies on the normative understanding of nuclear weapons consider the existence of a negative normative predisposition, often referred to as ‘nuclear taboo’, as a major factor in preventing their acquisition and use. Other studies acknowledge the existence of a nuclear taboo inhibiting the use of nuclear weapons, but point to the existence of the opposing effect of norms, frequently referred to as the ‘nuclear myth’, when it comes to the acquisition of nuclear weapons. This myth emerges when certain symbolic meanings are attached to nuclear weapons, such as a state’s identity, self-image, and its desired position in the international system. With 180 odd countries in the world abstaining from the acquisition of nuclear weapons and 8 countries in possession of them (with two further countries assumed to have pursued their acquisition), one might consider the dominance of the nuclear taboo over the nuclear myth to be the rule. The core question is thus why and how this relationship reversed in the case of defectors.

Globalization and Europeanization: Analysing Change

The main motivation for exploring the relationship between globalization and Europeanization is the understanding of the importance of exogenous factors for policy change at the domestic level. Can we distinguish the impact of Europeanization to that of globalization? What is the relationship between globalization and Europeanization and what can we learn about the impact of the two phenomena upon political institutions, public policies, identities and values of EU member-states? Can we distinguish the traces of globalization to those of Europeanization upon the domestic level? The paper draws upon International Relations and International Political Economy theories of globalization as well as upon the Europeanization literature. Both phenomena are multi-dimensional and in order to assess their impact and their relationship three dimensions are explored: political institutions, public policies and values and identities. It is concluded that the two phenomena are interwoven and that there is no antithetical relationship between them. Their core is similar, based on the values of neo-liberalism, representative democracy and open market economy.

Where Has the Old Debate Gone? Realism, Institutionalism, and IR Theory

This paper resorts to the contribution of the science philosopher Gerald Holton to map some of the IR arguments and debates in an unconventional and more insightful way. From this starting point, it is sustained that the formerly all-pervading neorealism-neoinstitutionalism debate has lost its appeal and is attracting less and less interest among scholars. It does not structure the approach of the theoretically-oriented authors any more; at least, not with the habitual intensity. More specifically, we defend that the neo-neo rapprochement, even if it could have demonstrated that international cooperation is possible and relevant in a Realist world, it has also impoverished theoretical debate by hiding some of the most significant issues that preoccupied classical transnationalists. Hence, some authors appear to be trying to rescue some of these arguments in an analytical and systematic fashion, opening up a theoretical querelle that may be the next one to pay attention to.

The Experience of European Integration and the Potential for Integration in South America

The experience of the European Union is the most significant and far-reaching among all attempts at regional integration. It is, therefore, the most likely to provide some lessons for those world regions that are just beginning this complex process. In turn, the Common Market of the South (MERCOSUR) and the Andean Community (CAN) are among the regional integration projects that have reached the greatest level of formal accomplishment after the EU. MERCOSUR is a customs union that aspires to become a common market, while avowing the commitment to advance towards political integration. For its part, CAN is a customs union that has already developed supranational institutions such as a Commission, a Parliament and a Court of Justice. In both cases, however, words have progressively tended to wander far from deeds. One reason underlying this phenomenon may be a misunderstanding of the European experience with integration. In this article, we discuss the theories that have been developed to account for integration in Europe and may prove useful to understand integration elsewhere and put forward a set of lessons that could be drawn from the European experience. Subsequently, we introduce a description of the experience of integration in South America and reflect (critically) on how the theories and lessons drawn from the EU could be applied to this region –and beyond.

Learning from Shocks and the Decision to Open

Two claims pervade the literature on the political economy of market reforms: that economic crises cause reforms; and that crises matter because they bring into question the validity of the economic model held to be responsible for them. Economic crises are said to spur a process of learning that is conducive to the abandonment of failing models and to the adoption of successful models. But although these claims have become the conventional wisdom, they have been hardly tested empirically due to the lack of agreement on what constitutes a crisis and to difficulties in measuring learning from them. I propose a model of rational learning from experience and apply it to the decision to open the economy. Using data from 1964 through 1990, I show that learning from the 1982 debt crisis was relevant to the first wave of adoption of an export promotion strategy, but learning was conditional on the high variability of economic outcomes in countries that opened up to trade. Learning was also symbolic in that the sheer number of other countries that liberalized was a more important driver of others’ decisions to follow suit.

The ‘Global Dimension’ of Contemporary Politics. An Argument for Taking ‘Global’ Seriously

Recent years have seen a striking proliferation of the term ‘global’ in public and political discourse. The popularity of the term is a manifestation of the fact that there is a widespread notion that contemporary social reality is ‘global’. The acknowledgment of this notion has important political implications and raises questions about the role played by the idea of the ‘global’ in policy making. These questions, in turn, expose even more fundamental issues about whether the term ‘global’ indicates a difference in kind, even an ontological shift, and, if so, how to approach it. This paper argues that the notion of ‘global’, in other words the ‘global dimension’, is a significant aspect of contemporary politics that needs to be investigated. The paper argues that in the globalization discourse of International Studies ‘global’ is ‘naturalized’, which means that it is taken for granted and assumed to be self-evident. The term ‘global’ is used mainly in a descriptive way and subsumed under the rubric of ‘globalization’. ‘Global’ tends to be equated with transnational and/or world-wide; hence, it addresses quantitative differences in degree but not (alleged) differences in kind. In order to advance our understanding of contemporary politics, ‘global’ needs to be taken seriously. This means, firstly, to understand and to conceptualize ‘global’ as a social category; and, secondly, to uncover ‘global’ as a ‘naturalized’ concept in the Political and International Studies strand of the globalization discourse in order to rescue it for innovative new approaches in the investigation of contemporary politics. In order to do so, the paper suggests adopting a strong linguistic approach starting with the analysis of the word ‘global’. Based on insights from post-structuralism as well as cognitive and general constructivist perspectives it argues that a frame-based corpus linguistic analysis offers the possibility of investigating the collective/social meaning(s) of global in order to operationalize them for the analysis of the ‘global dimension’ of contemporary politics.

Determinació de la ubicació estructural dels ions Yb3+ i Nb3+ en Yb:RTP, Nb:RTP i (Nb,Yb):RTP

Estudi elaborat a partir d’una estada al Stony Brook University al juliol del 2006. El RbTiOPO4 (RTP) monocristal•lí és un material d' òptica no lineal molt rellevant i utilitzat en la tecnologia làser actual, químicament molt estable i amb unes propietats físiques molt destacades, entre elles destaquen els alts coeficients electro-òptics i l'alt llindar de dany òptic que presenta. En els últims anys s’està utilitzant tecnològicament en aplicacions d'òptica no lineal en general i electro-òptiques en particular. En alguns casos ja ha substituït, millorant prestacions, a materials tals com el KTP o el LNB(1). Dopant RTP amb ions lantànids (Ln3+) (2-4), el material es converteix en un material làser auto-doblador de freqüència, combinant les seves propietats no lineals amb les de matriu làser. El RTP genera radiació de segon harmònic (SHG) a partir d’un feix fonamental amb longituds d’ona inferiors a 990 nm, que és el límit que presenta el KTP.La determinació de la ubicació estructural i l’estudi de l'entorn local del ions actius làser és de fonamental importància per a la correcta interpretació de les propietats espectroscòpiques d’aquest material. Mesures de difracció de neutrons sobre mostra de pols cristal•lí mostren que els ions Nb5+ i Ln3+ només substitueixin posicions de Ti4+ (8-9). Estudis molt recents d'EPR (electron paramagnetic resonance) semblen indicar que quan la concentració d'ió Ln3+ es baixa, aquest ió presenta la tendència a substituir l'ió alcalí present a l'estructura (10).Després dels resultats obtinguts en el present treball a partir de la tècnica EXAFS a la instal•lació sincrotò del Brookhaven National Laboratory/State University of New York (Stony Brook) es pot concloure definitivament que els ions Nb s’ubiquen en la posició Ti (1) i que els ions Yb3+ es distribueixen paritariament en les dues posicions del Ti (1 i 2). Aquests resultats aporten una valuosa informació per a la correcta interpretació dels espectres, tant d’absorció com d’emissió, del material i per la avaluació dels paràmetres del seu comportament durant l'acció làser.

La Història del projecte olímpic: [Barcelona'92]

Classe impartida per l'historiador Alfred Bosch sobre l'evolució de la candidatura de Barcelona'92 i del Comitè Organitzador en el curs universitari sobre Olimpisme organitzat pel CEO-UAB al febrer de 1992.

La Historia del proyecto olímpico: [Barcelona 92']

Clase impartida por el historiador Alfred Bosch sobre la evolución de la candidatura de Barcelona'92 y del Comité Organizador de los Juegos en el curso universitario sobre Olimpismo organizado por el CEO-UAB en febrero de 1992.

Operacions de premsa: [Barcelona'92]

Classe impartida pel director de la Divisió d'Operacions de Premsa del COOB'92 en el curs universitari sobre Olimpisme organitzat pel CEO-UAB al febrer de 1992 sobre la planificació de les operacions de premsa per als Jocs Olímpics de Barcelona'92.

Operaciones de prensa: [Barcelona'92]

Clase impartida por el director de la División de Operaciones de Prensa del COOB'92 en el curso universitario sobre Olimpismo organizado por el CEO-UAB en febrero de 1992 sobre la planificación de las operaciones de prensa en los Juegos Olímpicos de Barcelona'92.

Les Repercussions urbaní­stiques dels Jocs Olí­mpics de Barcelona

Classe impartida pel director de l'Institut d'Estudis Metropolitans en el curs universitari sobre Olimpisme organitzat pel CEO-UAB al febrer de 1992 sobre els impactes urbanístics dels Jocs Olímpics de Barcelona'92.

Cuerpos liminales, identidades diferidas: la des/construcción de Ken Bugul, EK y Lucrècia Neves

Tres personajes, tres cuerpos liminales, periféricos, nómades cuya lucha es comprender su corporeidad y poder narrarse conforme a sus deseos. Sin discurso propio, sin nombre, sin memoria, son cuerpos hechos de reflejos, de construcciones realizadas por el otro; cuerpos resistentes que se des-construyen en cada página para poder encontrar un punto, aunque sea uno solo, que las mantenga a flote. Tres cuerpos, tres mujeres que escarban en la llaga de un mapa creado por discursos ajenos, por miradas panópticas que las excluyen de la posibilidad de ser legítimamente cuerpos narrados y leídos por ellas mismas. Tres cuerpos fronterizos, nómades; tres cuerpos cyborg.

Determinación de estructuras cristalinas en España : inicios, desarrollo y consolidación (1912-1955)

El treball ofereix una visió de conjunt de la recerca duta a terme a Espanya en determinació d’estructures cristal•lines, des dels seus inicis fins 1955, data en la què assoliren un cert grau de consolidació. La perspectiva historiogràfica seguida pretén establir un equilibri entre el tractament de les qüestions tècniques i les relatives a l’organització dels diferents equips de recerca, sense oblidar el context econòmic i polític en que van tenir lloc.

Estudi comparatiu dels models d’organització de les últimes sis seus olímpiques

Transcripció de la intervenció del Sr. Gabriel Colomé en el Curs Universitari sobre Olimpisme que va organitzar el Centre d'Estudis Olí­mpics (CEO-UAB) el febrer de 1992. L'autor amb aquest text es proposa dos objectius principals: d'una banda, analitzar la influència de l'entorn sociopolí­tic sobre l'estructura organitzativa del Comitè Organitzador dels Jocs; de l'altra, veure com afecta el tipus de finançament en l'estructura i la infrastructura dels mateixos Jocs, i quines diferències hi ha entre els Jocs de 1972 i els següents fins a arribar a Barcelona.