998 resultados para Conflito de interesses (Serviço público) - Brasil


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Existem diferenças entre o trabalho no setor público e no setor privado no Brasil que podem abarcar desde diferenças entre os benefícios que cada setor concede a seus funcionários (setor público concede mais benefícios que o privado) até diferenças na remuneração que cada setor concede a funcionários com as mesmas características (experiência, educação, idade, etc). Outro tipo de diferença entre o trabalho nesses dois setores é relativa aos objetivos finais de cada um dos setores. Enquanto o objetivo do setor privado é claramente a maximização de lucros, o setor público tem como objetivo atender à demanda de bens públicos. O suprimento de bens públicos é de interesse de 3 grupos na sociedade: a burocracia, os políticos e a população. No entanto, esses 3 grupos tem interesses distintos, o que pode resultar em uma alocação sub-ótima de recursos destinados à oferta de bens públicos. Uma das hipóteses formuladas sobre esse problema diz que burocracia e a classe política se unem para atingir seus objetivos em detrimento da população. Este trabalho tem como objetivo investigar a relação entre burocratas, políticos e população no que concerne os recursos disponíveis para a oferta de bens públicos nos municípios brasileiros. Para tanto, será verificada qual é relação entre o diferencial salarial público-privado e: 1) a competição política; e, 2) o calendário eleitoral. Os resultados não são conclusivos sobre a relação entre calendário eleitoral e diferencial salarial público-privado. No entanto, apontam para uma relação positiva entre competição política e o diferencial salarial público-privado.

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O presente trabalho tem como objetivo a análise da aplicação do princípio da precaução no setor de vigilância sanitária. Primeiramente, expõem-se diversas definições dadas ao instituto, de modo a compreendê-lo com mais clareza e precisão. Posteriormente, questionam-se eventuais excessos ou arbitrariedades na invocação desse princípio. Considera-se, em seguida, a competência normativa das agências reguladoras e a possibilidade da revisão de seus atos por parte do Poder Judiciário. Por fim, de modo a compreender como o princípio da precaução tem sido tratado pelo Poder Judiciário na seara da vigilância sanitária, realiza-se uma análise jurisprudencial nos Tribunais Regionais Federais (TRFs) do país, no Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) e no Superior Tribunal de Justiça (STJ). Após uma minuciosa análise sustenta-se que o referido instituto não possui “densidade jurídica” para sua aplicação, visto que ainda se encontra extremamente indefinido e ilimitado.

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Nela apresenta uma análise do quadro tributário brasileiro -e aqui comungamos das mesmas restrições ao sistema atual-, examinando, em seguida, os benefícios contra a sonegação que o sistema que defende proporcionaria, embora reconheça que a contrapartida seria a cumulatividade. Reduz, todavia, seu reflexo negativo, por uma avaliação de “custo e benefício” entre o sistema atual e o futuro, que ele entende ser o aspecto mais relevante. Esclarece ainda que a verdadeira reforma tributária, com monumental simplificação do sistema, sem perda de arrecadação e com a alavancagem do desenvolvimento nacional, só será possível com a adoção do imposto único, visto que as propostas que hoje tramitam no Congresso Nacional não atingem a esclerosada estrutura das administrações tributárias nem os complexos sistemas predominantes

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Diferentes arranjos institucionais resultam em diferentes incentivos para a realização de trocas econômicas. Com efeito, estruturas regulatórias implementadas em determinado contexto histórico-econômico podem resultar em consequências diversas daquelas originariamente pretendidas, impondo ao regulador a necessidade de constante monitoramento e de intervenções com vistas a diagnosticar e corrigir ou minimizar possíveis distorções nas relações entre os atores envolvidos. Assim, esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar o funcionamento do Consórcio do Seguro DPVAT como mecanismo de conexão entre seus diversos stakeholders. Pretende-se analisar a existência de conflitos de interesses derivados das diversas relações entre as partes interligadas – geradas pelo arranjo institucional firmado para a gestão dos recursos arrecadados com os prêmios pagos pelos proprietários de veículo automotor para o Seguro de Danos Pessoais Causados por Veículos Automotores de Via Terrestre, ou por sua carga, a Pessoas Transportadas ou Não (DPVAT) – que possam suscitar intervenção regulatória no sentido de evitá-los, ou, ao menos, mitigá-los. A pesquisa é conduzida a partir da identificação dos comportamentos esperados de agentes econômicos autointeressados, tendo por referência os pressupostos da Nova Economia Institucional sob a perspectiva da Teoria da Agência, e do exame das principais mudanças legislativas havidas na estrutura do seguro obrigatório de trânsito no Brasil nos últimos 50 anos. Na sequência, com base em elementos teóricos e empíricos, foram identificados e analisados três conflitos de agência entre os stakeholders do Consórcio DPVAT: o primeiro seria aquele havido entre a entidade gestora do Consórcio DPVAT (agente) e as sociedades seguradoras consorciadas (principal); o segundo conflito observado refere-se à relação mantida entre a entidade gestora do Consórcio DPVAT (agente) e o órgão regulador (principal); e, por fim, o conflito de agência existente entre a seguradora que administra o referido consórcio (agente) e os proprietários de veículo automotor (principal).

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O objetivo desta Tese é compreender a atuação de partidos à esquerda do espectro político face à agenda de reformas da gestão pública. Especificamente, este estudo busca entender as motivações e interesses de governos liderados por partidos de esquerda ao expandirem e consolidarem parcerias com Organizações Sociais (OS) para provisão de serviços públicos – política voltada para a gestão pública, criticada por aqueles partidos e que contraria o interesse de parte de sua base social: o funcionalismo público. A pesquisa contribui para o debate ao intricar ao tema da gestão pública o debate político. Para alguns autores, esta é uma das principais lacunas dos estudos da área. Para atingir este objetivo foi realizado um estudo de casos múltiplos nos estados da Bahia e Pernambuco durante os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) e Partido Socialista Brasileiro (PSB). Dentre as experiências estaduais recentes, os casos selecionados se destacam pela rápida expansão das parcerias com OS. Os resultados da pesquisa apontam que a expansão da parceria com as Organizações Sociais nos dois governos foi motivada pelas restrições orçamentárias, pela ineficiência dos equipamentos públicos e pelas características intrínsecas ao modelo, principalmente aquelas com poder de torná-lo mais ágil. A situação de grave crise setorial – saúde, nos dois casos estudados – foi fator chave para a expansão do modelo. A pesquisa também identificou que as resistências políticas foram minimizadas através da ampliação das alianças políticas e da distribuição de cargos e, para diminuir as resistências da base social dos partidos, os governos se aproximaram dos sindicatos e das categorias de classe mais afetadas por essa política de gestão.

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SILVA, Hiran Francisco Oliveira Lopes da. A juste estruturale educação superior no Brasil: princípios negados. 206 f., 2007. Tese (Doutorado em Educação) - Universidade Federal da Paraiba, João Pessoa, 2007.

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This thesis nalyzes the wayfinding in Landscape Museum of Contemporary Art (MPAC), based on the Institute of Contemporary Art CACI, Minas Gerais, Brazil and the Museum of Contemporary Art of the Serralves Foundation, Porto, Portugal. The study focuses on the interrelationship of the public/visitors with the landscape, architecture and contemporary art museums in these, in order to understand visual perception and apprehension of such an environment for their users. For both were confronted documentation (visual and written) and people talk. The main hypothesis put forward is that the audience/visitor MPAC appreciates the interrelationship between the natural environment (park/garden) and built environment (the works of contemporary art and the galleries), giving equal value to both. To complement this, a second hypothesis is that during the visit to MPACS, visitors define their paths spontaneously, but strongly influenced by existing visual indicators (maps, signage and striking landscape elements), which facilitate the readability of space, which also contribute to the offered services and the experiences of similar institutions. The analytical basis of the research used the concepts of legibility (LYNCH, 2009), wayfinding (GIBSON, 2009; ARTHUR, PASSINI, 2002; WEISMAN, 1982), Experiential Cotinnum (TUAN, 1985), Space Bound (CRUZ PINTO, 2007) and habitus (BOURDIEU, 1992). Methodologically was used qualitative research (DEMO 2000) by means of a case study (YIN, 2005; STAKE, 1999) and participant observation (WHYTE, 2005). In the two institutions interviews with researchers and curators, behavior observation and questionnaires from employees, trainees, monitors and the public/visitor of the two museums were performed. Although partially referende the initial hypothesis, the research showed that the public/visitor value appears more natural environments, they experience a greater intensity and in addition to the factors listed in the second case, your perception and definition of paths suffer significant influence of emotional relations established with space. Generally the audience/visitor adapts easily to different demands of contemporary art exhibition in the two museums and the built environment (park/garden and museum) interferes with your reading path during the visit, perceived by the public/visitor condition as a factor that favors the enjoyment of works on different mounts (wayfinding), though often become a factor that hinders the legibility of the building and its built environment

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In this work we have analyzed the political commitment of the social assistance sponsored by the Bradesco Foundation in João Pessoa. This Foundation is a private institution of public interest that provides social assistance to low income populations all over Brazil. This kind of work is one of the oldest management initiatives in what is actually referred to as managers` social responsibility. This thesis assumes that managers who are in fact socially responsible should guide their actions by the principles of social democracy, so that everyone can enjoy citizens` social freedom, and guarantee their rights as well as the political awareness of social actors. Analysis of documents and a qualitative approach have been applied to the pedagogical Project of the Foundation, as well as phenomenology to study the social profile of their students. The analysis of the pedagogical project as well as the students` standpoint towards life reveals that the Bradesco Foundation is indeed committed to the social efficacy of its students. The educational proposal of the organization includes those elements that are required for teenagers` education envisaging participative citizenship. The teenagers` speech reveals that they have developed the project identity, being therefore able to take part in the process of political transformation of our time. The results indicate that the Bradesco Foundation not only guarantees some of the basic social rights for the healthy development of those who attend their courses, but also sponsors a high level education providing both a technical and a political formation

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This issue analises the unevenness in the brazilian system of public health care as an extension of socials inequities. It is a theoretical study based in a historical method, using empirical camp from academic, corporation and institution researchs, along the period 2002-2006. Equality and effectiveness in health systems are analitical basic cathegories grap in the root of the doctrine, principles and organization of the Unique Health System, in which sectorial actions are inserted. Discuss the estructural prodution and determined those inequalities through some social determiners of health system: income, land, food securitiy, nutritional situation, basic sanitation, epidemiological inequities and public management policy. Carry out a thematic review over health social production, it formlation and the goals of social policies, as well as the insertion of the equality principle in the assistance system, in the frame of the running public health regulations. It uses reflections that enlighted the correlation between the process of political-institutional actions and equity on health assistance. Analized the pertinency of sectorial reorganizational strategies on basic attendance, confronting the hipothesis that those strategies reinforce social inequities in health system, because it organize diferential assistance levels over not equal baselines. The results show up that social inequalities, even remaining, have had a small decrease; that the selectiviness of actual public policies and the duplication of the health system, increases the differences within and between the social classes and configures the assistance as inequal. The basic care system has great shortages that also appeares in middle and complex assistance levels. As conclusion, it remarks that the health assintance system, even with it integrality has limits; structural problems on material conditions of living and health system could not be reversed only with institutional legal arragements; by the contrary, in border conditions, these strategies produce policies that reinforce inequities, neglecting the equity principle of the system in which frame, they work. One patina of this tim

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The Oil industry in Brazil has gone through several stages during the economical, political and social historical process. However, the significative changes have happened in the last fifteen years, due to market opening arising from the relaxation of the state monopoly over the Oil deposits and its derivatives. The edition of the Constitutional Amendment #9, changing the first paragraph of the 177th item of the Federal Constitution, marked the end of a stiffness about the monopoly that the Brazilian state kept in relation to the exploration and research of Oil and Gas. The economical order was fundamental to actualize the idea contained in the #9 Amendment, since its contents has the power to set up measures to be adopted by public power in order to organize the economical relations from a social viewpoint. The new brazilian Oil scenery, called pre-salt, presents itself in a way to amaze the economical markets, in addition to creating a new perspective to the social sector. This work will identify, in this new scenario, the need for change in the legal system. Nevertheless, this subject must not be treated in a thoughtless way: being an exhaustible good, we shall not forget that the future generations also must benefit from the exploration of natural resources recently discovered. The settlement of a new regulatory mark, including the change in the concession contract model to production and sharing is one of the suggested solutions as a bill in the National Congress, in an attempt to ensure the sovereignty of the nation. The constitutionality of a new regulatory mark is questioned, starting from an analysis of the state monopoly, grounding the comprehnsions in the brazilian constitutions, the relevance of the creation of Petrobras for self-assertion of the state about the monopoly of Oil and derivatives, and its posture after the Constitutional Amendment nº 9 (1995), when a company stops having control of the state monopoly, beginning to compete in a fairly way with other companies. The market opening and private initiative are emphasized from the viewpoint of the Constitutional Principles of the Economical and Social Order. The relaxation of the monopoly regarding the exploratory activity in the Federal Constitution doesn't deprive from the Union the ownerships of underground goods, enabling to this federal entity to contract, directly or by concession of exploration of goods, to state-owned or private companies. The existing oil in the pre-salt layer transforms the scenario from very high risk to low risk, which gives the Union the possibility of defining another way of exploring this resources in the best interests of the Public Administration

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As a result of the prediction of irreversible changes on necessary conditions to maintain life, including human, on the planet, environmental education got the spotlight in the political scenario, due to social pressure for the development of individual and collective values, knowledge, skills, attitudes and competences towards environmental preservation. In Brazil, only in 1999 the right for environmental education was officially granted to people, having the status of essential and permanent component in the country s education. Since then, it has been Government s duty, in each federal branch, to plan actions to make it happen, in an articulate way in all levels and modalities of the education process, both formally and informally. This work of research has environmental education in the school as subject matter, and aims on analyzing social and political mediations established between this National Environmental Education policy and the contexts associated to the legislative production process, the political nature of the conceptions about environmental education that underlie Law 9.795/99 (Brazil, 2009c) and also Rio Grande do Norte Government s actions and omissions related to the imperative nature of the insertion of environmental education in the schools ran by the state, during the ten years this law has been in force. The investigation of the subject matter was led by a social and historical understanding of the social and environmental phenomena, as well as of the education system as a whole, considering that only through a dialectical view we can see the real world, by destroying the pseudo-concreteness that surrounds the topic. While analyzing, we assumed that in face of the dominance of a social organization in which market regulations rule on environmental ones, by developing individual and collective critical conscience, environmental education can become a threat to dominant economical interests in exploiting natural resources. The results of this research suggest that as an educational practice to be developed in an integrated, continuous and permanent fashion in all levels and modalities of formal education, environmental education has not yet come to pass in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, due to the neglect and disrespect of the government when facing the need of promoting the necessary and legally appointed measures to make it present in the basic education provided by the state. The legislators silence when it comes to approving a regulation on environmental education essential to define policies, rules and criteria to teaching the subject in the state and the omission from the public administration regarding critical actions in order to integrate in public schools the activities related to the National Environmental Education Policy, represent a political decision for not doing anything, despite the legal demand for an active position. This neglecting attitude for the actualizing of strategically concrete actions, urgent and properly planned for the implementation of environmental education in schools in a multidisciplinary way, exposes the lack of interest the predominant classes have in such kind of education being made available, as it could be developed based on a critic political view, becoming a political and educational action against dominance. When analyzing the basic principles and fundamental goals in Law 9.795/99 (Brazil, 2009c) the development of a critic environmental education is really possible and concurs with the National Environmental Education Policy, reflecting the social and political mediations established between this public policy and the contexts associated to its legislative production process, which are responsible for approving a regulation which also represents the mind of the people about environmental protection above anything else

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The ability to work, considered as resulting from a dynamic process between the individual resources in relation to their work, influenced from various factors such as sociodemographic, lifestyle, aging process and requirements of work. Aiming analyze the ability to work in a population of public servants, the study analyzed 132 public servants volunteers of the infrastructure sector, in a Federal Institution of Higher Education of the state of Rio Grande do Norte, Northeast, Brazil. Data were collected through a questionnaire called the Index of Capacity for Work - ICT. The variable analysis was done by using descriptive statistics of means, standard deviations, median minimum and maximum values of the scores of quantitative variables. The joint analysis of the variables was performed by multiple linear regression. The server had low capacity to work 11 (8.33%), moderate 31 (23.48%), good 54 (40.91), and Great 28 (21.21). Multiple regression analysis, adjusted for age, sex, education, age started to work, length of service, current capacity and full of disease, showed that best explained the variation of the CTI were age, current capacity and full of disease. The survey showed that 75% of the servers showed ICT below 43, so capacity low, moderate or good and only 25% of respondents had the CTI servers over 43 points, so great capacity for work. According to the recommendations of FIOH - Finnish Institute of Occupational Health, for servers that have these scores be implemented whose objective is to restore the ability to work which is low, improving the capacity for moderate work, support the capacity for the good work and maintain the ability to work great. Therefore, we recommend that the ICT is implemented in other units of the IFES survey in the perspective of achieving a real situation of all its servers, enabling the implementation of these measures as necessary to promote recovery and health of its employees.