O desafio das águas numa metrópole amazônida: uma reflexão das políticas de proteção dos mananciais da região metropolitana de Belém-PA (1984 – 2004)

Falar sobre as interrupções constantes no abastecimento de água à população dos municípios que compõem a Região Metropolitana de Belém, no Estado do Pará, que é, sem dúvida, agraciado por uma rica rede de grandes bacias hidrográficas (Bacia Amazônica, Bacia do Tocantins-Araguaia e Costeira do Nordeste Ocidental), parece ser uma grande contradição. Se o problema não está na baixa disponibilidade hídrica como ocorre em algumas regiões metropolitanas do país (São Paulo, Recife e Rio de Janeiro), por que as demandas urbanas da população residente na área de expansão da metrópole não estão sendo atendidas satisfatoriamente? Que fatores estariam comprometendo a qualidade do sistema de abastecimento de água da RMB? E como o Governo do Estado do Pará e a Prefeitura Municipal de Belém implementaram políticas voltadas para a proteção dos mananciais do Utinga, principal responsável pelo abastecimento dessa população? Essas questões, ora levantadas, refletem o ponto central desta tese que é entendermos como numa metrópole amazonida, localizada numa região rica em disponibilidade hídrica superficial e subterrânea, o sistema público de abastecimento de água potável dos mananciais do Utinga tem desafiado a cidade para sobreviver. Para tanto, foi preciso avaliar a importância de seus recursos hídricos, o grau de desenvolvimento na adoção de sua legislação ambiental e hídrica, como também na necessidade de se traçarem metas e práticas de planejamento e manejo nas bacias hidrográficas, entre elas as que são utilizadas como mananciais voltados ao abastecimento de água potável da Região Metropolitana de Belém. A questão que envolve a gestão dos recursos hídricos nas bacias hidrográficas paraenses, em particular as que são destinadas ao abastecimento da população das cidades da RMB, requer o desenvolvimento de um estudo com base na ecologia política capaz de fornecer um referencial teórico-metodológico referente ao uso das bacias hidrográficas como unidades de gestão integrada entre estado e prefeituras, bem como através da participação dos moradores e demais usuários locais da água. Portanto, o nosso objetivo fundamenta-se na necessidade de identificarmos e avaliarmos os vinte anos de políticas implementadas pelo Governo do Estado do Pará e pela Prefeitura Municipal de Belém, para proteção e gestão dos mananciais do Utinga (bacias hidrográficas dos Igarapés Murutucum e Água Preta) responsável pelo abastecimento de 70% da população da Região Metropolitana de Belém – RMB.

Cartas de presos políticos e de seus familiares: violência e atuação feminina no governo Vargas. 1930-1945

Para a análise do tema da repressão durante o governo Vargas (1930-1945), as cartas de presos políticos e de seus familiares revelaram ser fontes valiosas para a percepção do alcance e dos significados para parte da sociedade do poder repressivo empregado por este governo no combate a seus “inimigos”. Por meio dessas cartas, dirigidas, especialmente, ao chefe de polícia Filinto Müller, percebe-se o poder que a polícia alcançou nesse período e também como os familiares dos presos políticos foram atingidos pela política repressiva varguista, tendo suas famílias desorganizadas e forçando as mulheres destes a desempenharem outros papéis além dos de esposa, mãe e dona-de-casa.

G82-621 Sources of Livestock and Poultry Market Information (Revised July 1994)

This NebGuide provides a list of various market information sources, each followed by a brief summary of issue schedules and contents. It provides a listing of widely used and readily available market information sources that contain information which may be useful to agricultural producers, lenders and agribusiness firms when making livestock and poultry marketing decisions. Most of the available market information and statistical data comes from the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA). Many now require an annual subscription fee.

Lipid and selenium sources on fatty acid composition of intramuscular fat and muscle selenium concentration of Nellore steers

The objective of this study was to evaluate the effect of lipid and selenium sources in diets for finishing Nellore steers on the fatty acid composition and selenium concentration of the longissimus muscle. Fifty Nellore steers (body weight = 458 +/- 39 kg) were assigned to one of six dietary treatments: 1) diet containing sunflower seed and inorganic selenium; 2) sunflower seed and organic selenium; 3) whole cottonseed and inorganic selenium; 4) whole cottonseed and organic selenium; 5) soybeans and inorganic selenium; and 6) soybeans and organic selenium. Diets were formulated with the same amount of nitrogen and calories and supplied once daily to steers in collective pens, with three animals per pen, for 120 d. At the end of the trial, steers were slaughtered and samples of the longissimus muscle were collected for fatty acid and selenium analysis. Effect of selenium sources was detected for selenium concentration in the longissimus muscle. Organic selenium had higher concentrations in the meat compared with inorganic selenium. The total saturated, monounsaturated and polyunsaturated fatty acids did not differ between the sources of lipids and selenium. For selenium sources, no differences were observed between the concentrations of polyunsaturated fat. Also, no differences in C18:2 cis-9 trans-11 concentrations were noted; however, steers fed sunflower seed presented greater proportions of this fatty acid in the meat. The results indicated that the use of sunflower seed, cottonseed or soybeans and organic or inorganic selenium in feedlot diets to Nellore cattle does not alter the great part of the fatty acid profile of the longissimus muscle. However, the inclusion of sunflower seed in the diet increases the meat CLA cis-9, trans-11, which is desirable and beneficial for the health of consumers.

Learning Democracy Together in School? : Student and Teacher Attitudes in Bosnia and Herzegovina

The principal aim of this study is to examine attitudes and values, through questionnaires, among students and teachers in the last grade of primary school (grade 8) regarding issues related to authoritarianism, democracy, human rights, children rights, conflict resolution and legislation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. A second aim is to explore and analyze the role of the international community in the democratization and education processes in the light of globalization in this country through secondary sources of data, site visits and observations. Analysis of the student sample reveals suspicion towards democracy, especially when democracy was associated with politics and politicians. When the issue of democracy was de-contextualized from Bosnia and Herzegovina realities in the questionnaire, students showed more positive attitudes towards it. Students generally agreed with very strong authoritarian statements. High achieving students were more democratic, more socially responsible, more tolerant regarding attitudes towards religion, race and disabilities, and less authoritarian compared to low achievers. High achievers felt that they had influence over daily events, and were positive towards social and civil engagement. High achievers viewed politics negatively, but had high scores on the democracy scale. High achievers also agreed to a larger extent that it is acceptable to break the law. The more authoritarian students were somewhat more prone to respond that it is not acceptable to break the law. The major findings from the teacher sample show that teachers who agreed with non-peaceful mediation, and had a non-forgiving and rigid approach to interpersonal conflicts, also agreed with strong authoritarian statements and were less democratic. In general, teachers valued students who behave respectfully, have a good upbringing and are obedient. They were very concerned about the general status of education in society, which they felt was becoming marginalized. Teachers were not happy with the overloaded curricula and they showed an interest in more knowledge and skills to help children with traumatic war experiences. When asked about positive reforms, teachers were highly critical of, and dissatisfied with, the educational situation. Bosnia and Herzegovina is undergoing a transition from a state-planned economy and one party system to a market economy and a multi party system. During this transition, the country has become more involved in the globalization process than ever. Today the country is a semi-protectorate where international authorities intervene when necessary. The International community is attempting to introduce western democracy and some of the many complexities in this process are discussed in this study. Globalization processes imply contradictory demands and pressures on the education system. On one hand, economic liberalization has affected education policies —a closer alignment between education and economic competitiveness. On the other hand, there is a political and ideological globalization process underlying the importance of human rights, and the inclusiveness of education for all children. Students and teachers are caught between two opposing ideals — competition and cooperation.

Welfare provision in Sweden and the dominant position of the Sap

There have been almost fifty years since Harry Eckstein' s classic monograph, A Theory of Stable Democracy (Princeton, 1961), where he sketched out the basic tenets of the “congruence theory”, which was to become one of the most important and innovative contributions to understanding democratic rule. His next work, Division and Cohesion in Democracy, (Princeton University Press: 1966) is designed to serve as a plausibility probe for this 'theory' (ftn.) and is a case study of a Northern democratic system, Norway. What is more, this line of his work best exemplifies the contribution Eckstein brought to the methodology of comparative politics through his seminal article, “ “Case Study and Theory in Political Science” ” (in Greenstein and Polsby, eds., Handbook of Political Science, 1975), on the importance of the case study as an approach to empirical theory. This article demonstrates the special utility of “crucial case studies” in testing theory, thereby undermining the accepted wisdom in comparative research that the larger the number of cases the better. Although not along the same lines, but shifting the case study unit of research, I intend to take up here the challenge and build upon an equally unique political system, the Swedish one. Bearing in mind the peculiarities of the Swedish political system, my unit of analysis is going to be further restricted to the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Svenska Arbetare Partiet. However, my research stays within the methodological framework of the case study theory inasmuch as it focuses on a single political system and party. The Swedish SAP endurance in government office and its electoral success throughout half a century (ftn. As of the 1991 election, there were about 56 years - more than half century - of interrupted social democratic "reign" in Sweden.) are undeniably a performance no other Social Democrat party has yet achieved in democratic conditions. Therefore, it is legitimate to inquire about the exceptionality of this unique political power combination. Which were the different components of this dominance power position, which made possible for SAP's governmental office stamina? I will argue here that it was the end-product of a combination of multifarious factors such as a key position in the party system, strong party leadership and organization, a carefully designed strategy regarding class politics and welfare policy. My research is divided into three main parts, the historical incursion, the 'welfare' part and the 'environment' part. The first part is a historical account of the main political events and issues, which are relevant for my case study. Chapter 2 is devoted to the historical events unfolding in the 1920-1960 period: the Saltsjoebaden Agreement, the series of workers' strikes in the 1920s and SAP's inception. It exposes SAP's ascent to power in the mid 1930s and the party's ensuing strategies for winning and keeping political office, that is its economic program and key economic goals. The following chapter - chapter 3 - explores the next period, i.e. the period from 1960s to 1990s and covers the party's troubled political times, its peak and the beginnings of the decline. The 1960s are relevant for SAP's planning of a long term economic strategy - the Rehn Meidner model, a new way of macroeconomic steering, based on the Keynesian model, but adapted to the new economic realities of welfare capitalist societies. The second and third parts of this study develop several hypotheses related to SAP's 'dominant position' (endurance in politics and in office) and test them afterwards. Mainly, the twin issues of economics and environment are raised and their political relevance for the party analyzed. On one hand, globalization and its spillover effects over the Swedish welfare system are important causal factors in explaining the transformative social-economic challenges the party had to put up with. On the other hand, Europeanization and environmental change influenced to a great deal SAP's foreign policy choices and its domestic electoral strategies. The implications of globalization on the Swedish welfare system will make the subject of two chapters - chapters four and five, respectively, whereupon the Europeanization consequences will be treated at length in the third part of this work - chapters six and seven, respectively. Apparently, at first sight, the link between foreign policy and electoral strategy is difficult to prove and uncanny, in the least. However, in the SAP's case there is a bulk of literature and public opinion statistical data able to show that governmental domestic policy and party politics are in a tight dependence to foreign policy decisions and sovereignty issues. Again, these country characteristics and peculiar causal relationships are outlined in the first chapters and explained in the second and third parts. The sixth chapter explores the presupposed relationship between Europeanization and environmental policy, on one hand, and SAP's environmental policy formulation and simultaneous agenda-setting at the international level, on the other hand. This chapter describes Swedish leadership in environmental policy formulation on two simultaneous fronts and across two different time spans. The last chapter, chapter eight - while trying to develop a conclusion, explores the alternative theories plausible in explaining the outlined hypotheses and points out the reasons why these theories do not fit as valid alternative explanation to my systemic corporatism thesis as the main causal factor determining SAP's 'dominant position'. Among the alternative theories, I would consider Traedgaardh L. and Bo Rothstein's historical exceptionalism thesis and the public opinion thesis, which alone are not able to explain the half century social democratic endurance in government in the Swedish case.

Studying the Roles of Nonprofits, Government, and Business in Providing Activities and Services to Youth in the Phoenix Metropolitan Area

The article addresses the questions, What do children in urban areas do on Saturdays? What types of organizational resources do they have access to? Does this vary by social class? Using diary data on children's activities on Saturdays in the Phoenix-Mesa-Scottsdale metropolitan area, the authors describe the different types of venues (households, businesses, public space, associations, charities, congregations, and government/tribal agencies) that served different types of children. They find that the likelihood of using a charity or business rather than a government or tribal provider increased with family income. Also, the likelihood of using a congregation or a government facility rather than a business, charity, or household increased with being Hispanic. The authors discuss the implications for the urban division of labor on Saturdays and offer research questions that need further investigation.

A Sociological Study of the Political Subsystem in Yugoslavia

In this critical analysis of sociological studies of the political subsystem in Yugoslavia since the fall of communism Mr. Ilic examined the work of the majority of leading researchers of politics in the country between 1990 and 1996. Where the question of continuity was important, he also looked at previous research by the writers in question. His aim was to demonstrate the overall extent of existing research and at the same time to identify its limits and the social conditions which defined it. Particular areas examined included the problems of defining basic concepts and selecting the theoretically most relevant indicators; the sources of data including the types of authentic materials exploited; problems of research work (contacts, field control, etc.); problems of analysisl and finally the problems arising from different relations with the people who commission the research. In the first stage of the research, looking at methods of defining key terms, special attention was paid to the analysis of the most frequently used terms such as democracy, totalitarianism, the political left and right, and populism. Numerous weaknesses were noted in the analytic application of these terms. In studies of the possibilities of creating a democratic political system in Serbia and its possible forms (democracy of the majority or consensual democracy), the profound social division of Serbian society was neglected. The left-right distinction tends to be identified with the government-opposition relation, in the way of practical politics. The idea of populism was used to pass responsibility for the policy of war from the manipulator to the manipulated, while the concept of totalitarianism is used in a rather old-fashioned way, with echoes of the cold war. In general, the terminology used in the majority of recent research on the political subsystem in Yugoslavia is characterised by a special ideological style and by practical political material, rather than by developed theoretical effort. The second section of analysis considered the wider theoretical background of the research and focused on studies of the processes of transformation and transition in Yugoslav society, particularly the work of Mladen Lazic and Silvano Bolcic, who he sees as representing the most important and influential contemporary Yugoslav sociologists. Here Mr. Ilic showed that the meaning of empirical data is closely connected with the stratification schemes towards which they are oriented, so that the same data can have different meanings in shown through different schemes. He went on to show the observed theoretical frames in the context of wider ideological understanding of the authors' ideas and research. Here the emphasis was on the formalistic character of such notions as command economy and command work which were used in analysing the functioning and the collapse of communist society, although Mr. Ilic passed favourable judgement on the Lazic's critique of political over-determination in its various attempts to explain the disintegration of the communist political (sub)system. The next stage of the analysis was devoted to the problem of empirical identification of the observed phenomena. Here again the notions of the political left and right were of key importance. He sees two specific problems in using these notion in talking about Yugoslavia, the first being that the process of transition in the FR Yugoslavia has hardly begun. The communist government has in effect remained in power continuously since 1945, despite the introduction of a multi-party system in 1990. The process of privatisation of public property was interrupted at a very early stage and the results of this are evident on the structural level in the continuous weakening of the social status of the middle class and on the political level because the social structure and dominant form of property direct the majority of votes towards to communists in power. This has been combined with strong chauvinist confusion associated with the wars in Croatia and Bosnia, and these ideas were incorporated by all the relevant Yugoslav political parties, making it more difficult to differentiate between them empirically. In this context he quotes the situation of the stream of political scientists who emerged in the Faculty of Political Science in Belgrade. During the time of the one-party regime, this faculty functioned as ideological support for official communist policy and its teachers were unable to develop views which differed from the official line, but rather treated all contrasting ideas in the same way, neglecting their differences. Following the introduction of a multi-party system, these authors changed their idea of a public enemy, but still retained an undifferentiated and theoretically undeveloped approach to the issue of the identification of political ideas. The fourth section of the work looked at problems of explanation in studying the political subsystem and the attempts at an adequate causal explanation of the triumph of Slobodan Milosevic's communists at four subsequent elections was identified as the key methodological problem. The main problem Mr. Ilic isolated here was the neglect of structural factors in explaining the voters' choice. He then went on to look at the way empirical evidence is collected and studied, pointing out many mistakes in planning and determining the samples used in surveys as well as in the scientifically incorrect use of results. He found these weaknesses particularly noticeable in the works of representatives of the so-called nationalistic orientation in Yugoslav sociology of politics, and he pointed out the practical political abuses which these methodological weaknesses made possible. He also identified similar types of mistakes in research by Serbian political parties made on the basis of party documentation and using methods of content analysis. He found various none-sided applications of survey data and looked at attempts to apply other sources of data (statistics, official party documents, various research results). Mr. Ilic concluded that there are two main sets of characteristics in modern Yugoslav sociological studies of political subsystems. There are a considerable number of surveys with ambitious aspirations to explain political phenomena, but at the same time there is a clear lack of a developed sociological theory of political (sub)systems. He feels that, in the absence of such theory, most researcher are over-ready to accept the theoretical solutions found for interpretation of political phenomena in other countries. He sees a need for a stronger methodological bases for future research, either 1) in complementary usage of different sources and ways of collecting data, or 2) in including more of a historical dimension in different attempts to explain the political subsystem in Yugoslavia.

Democratic Transition and Political Patronage

Mr. Korosenyi begins by analysing the particular relationship holding between politics and administration in different countries. Within Europe three major patterns have emerged in the 20th century. Firstly there is the politically neutral British Civil Service, secondly the German and French state bureaucracies, which traditionally are supposed to embody the "common good", and thirdly there is the patronage system of the so-called consociate democracies, e.g. Austria. In general Mr. Korosenyi believes that, though politics do not penetrate into the Hungarian administration to the extent they do in Belgium and Austria, nevertheless, there is a stronger fusion than there is in the traditional British pattern. He is particularly interested in this relationship with regard to its effect on democratic institution building and the stabilisation of the new regime in Hungary, now the old "nomenklatura" system has been abolished. The structure of the Hungarian government was a result of the constitutional amendments of 1989 and 1990. Analysing this period, it becomes clear that for all the political actors who initiated and supported the democratic transition to democracy, the underlying assumption was a radical depoliticisation of the administration in order to maintain its stability. The political leadership of the executive is a cabinet government. The government is structured along ministries, each headed by a politician, i.e. the minister, who is a member of the cabinet. The minister's political secretary is not a cabinet member, but he or she is a politician, usually a member of the parliament. The head of the administration of the ministry is the administrative state secretary, who is a civil servant. He or she usually has four deputies, also civil servants. Naturally it is assumed that there should be a clear separation between politicians and civil servants. However in practice, the borders can be blurred, giving rise to a hybrid known as the "political civil servant". Mr. Korosenyi analyses the different faces of these hybrids. They are civil servants for the following reasons. They need special educational qualifications, working experience, a civil service exam etc., they are not allowed to do anything which is incompatible with their impartial role, and they cannot occupy political office nor may they appear in the name of any political party. On the other hand, the accepted political dimension to their function is revealed by the following facts. The state secretary (a civil servant) may participate in cabinet meetings instead of the minister. The state secretary is employed by the minister. A state secretary or any of their deputies can be dismissed at any time by the minister or the prime minister. In practice then, ministers appoint to these senior administrative positions civil servants whose personal and political loyaties are strong. To the second level of political patronage in ministries belong the ministerial cabinet, press office and public relation office. The ministerial cabinet includes the private advisors and members of the personal staff of the minister. The press office and the PR office, if they exist, are not adjusted to the administrative hierarchy of the ministry, but under the direct control of the minister. In the beginning of the 1990s, such offices were exceptions; in the second half of the 90s they are accepted and to be found in most ministries. Mr. Korosenyi's work, a 92-page manuscript of a book in Hungarian, marks the first piece of literature within the field of political science which analyses the structure of the Hungarian government in the 1990s and the relationship between the political leadership and the public administration.

Isotopes Trace Biogeochemistry and Sources of Cu and Zn in an intertidal soil

River floodplain soils are sinks and potential sources for toxic trace metals like Cu and Zn. We hypothesize that stable Cu and Zn isotope ratios reflect both the mobilization and the sources of metals. We determined the soil properties, the concentrations and partitioning of Cu and Zn, and variations in δ65Cu and δ66Zn values in a core obtained from an Aquic Udifluvent developed on a freshwater intertidal mudflat of the River Elbe, Germany. The core was sampled at 2 cm intervals to a depth of 34 cm, which corresponds to approximately 9 yr of sedimentation. Elevated concentrations of Cu (up to 320 μg g−1) and Zn (up to 2080 μg g−1) indicated anthropogenic pollution. At the time of sampling the redox conditions changed from oxic (Eh 200 to 400 mV, above 22 cm deep) to strongly anoxic conditions (-100 to -200 mV, below 22 cm deep). The δ65Cu values varied systematically with depth (from -0.02 to 0.16‰) and were correlated with the Fe, C, and N concentrations. Although pre-depositional variations cannot be ruled out, the systematic variation with depth suggests post-sedimentation fractionation of δ65Cu in response to seasonally variable organic matter deposition and redox conditions. In contrast, the δ66ZnIRMM values were uniform (from -0.07 to 0.01‰) throughout the core, indicating that the Zn isotopes did not significantly fractionate after deposition and that the Zn sources were homogeneous throughout the sedimentation.

Lateral sediment sources and knickzones as controls on spatio-temporal variations of sediment transport in an Alpine river

Modern mixed alluvial-bedrock channels in mountainous areas provide natural laboratories for understanding the time scales at which coarse-grained material has been entrained and transported from their sources to the adjacent sedimentary sink, where these deposits are preserved as conglomerates. This article assesses the shear stress conditions needed for the entrainment of the coarse-bed particles in the Glogn River that drains the 400 km2 Val Lumnezia basin, eastern Swiss Alps. In addition, quantitative data are presented on sediment transport patterns in this stream. The longitudinal stream profile of this river is characterized by three ca 500 m long knickzones where channel gradients range from 0·02 to 0·2 m m−1, and where the valley bottom confined into a <10 m wide gorge. Downstream of these knickzones, the stream is flat with gradients <0·01 m m−1 and widths ≥30 m. Measurements of the grain-size distribution along the trunk stream yield a mean D84 value of ca 270 mm, whereas the mean D50 is ca 100 mm. The consequences of the channel morphology and the grain-size distribution for the time scales of sediment transport were explored by using a one-dimensional step-backwater hydraulic model (Hydrologic Engineering Centre – River Analysis System). The results reveal that, along the entire trunk stream, a two to 10 year return period flood event is capable of mobilizing both the D50 and D84 fractions where the Shields stress exceeds the critical Shields stress for the initiation of particle motion. These return periods, however, varied substantially depending on the channel geometry and the pebble/boulder size distribution of the supplied material. Accordingly, the stream exhibits a highly dynamic boulder cover behaviour. It is likely that these time scales might also have been at work when coarse-grained conglomerates were constructed in the geological past.

Presence of three pesticides in rural drinking water sources in Kenya

A cross-sectional study on the use of three pesticides and their presence in drinking water sources was conducted in Githunguri/Kiaria community between January 1994-March 1995. The main objective of the study was to determine the extent to which some of the pesticides used by the Githunguri/Kiaria agricultural community were polluting their drinking water sources. Due to monetary and physical limitations, only DDT, its isomers and metabolites, carbofuran and carbaryl pesticides were identified and used as surrogates of pollution for the other pesticides.^ The study area was divided into high and low lying geographic surface areas. Thirty-four and 38 water sampling sites were randomly selected respectively. During wet and dry seasons, a total of 144 water samples were collected and analyzed at the Kenya Bureau of Standards Laboratory in Nairobi. Gas chromatography was used to analyze samples for possible presence of DDT, its isomers and metabolites, while high pressure liquid chromatography was used to analyze samples for carbofuran and carbaryl pesticides.^ Six sites testing positively for DDT, its isomers and metabolites represented 19.4% of the total sampled sites, with a mean concentration of 0.00310 ppb in the dry season and 0.0130 ppb in the wet season. All the six sites testing positively for the same pesticide exceeded the European maximum contaminant limit (MCL) in the wet season, and only one site exceeded the European MCL in the dry season.^ Those sites testing positively for carbofuran and carbaryl represented 5.6% of the total sampled sites. The mean concentration for the carbofuran at the sites was 2.500 ppb and 1.590 ppb in the dry and wet seasons respectively. Similarly, the mean concentration for carbaryl at the sites was 0.281 ppb in the dry season and 0.326 ppb in the wet season.^ One site testing positively for carbofuran exceeded the European MCL and WHO set limit in the wet season, while one site testing positively for the same pesticide exceeded the USA, Canada, European and WHO MCLs in the dry season. Similarly, one site which tested positively for carbaryl pesticide exceeded the European MCL in both seasons.^ Out of the 2,587 community members in the study area, 333 (13%) were exposed through their drinking water sources to the three pesticides investigated by this study. As a public health measure, integrated pest management approaches (IPM), protection of the wells and education of the community is necessary to minimize the pollution of the environment and safeguard the drinking water sources from pollution by the pesticides. ^

'Reform' of the British national health service after the election of a labour government: Understanding the policy development process

The policy development process leading to the Labour government's white paper of December 1997—The new NHS: Modern, Dependable—is the focus of this project and the public policy development literature is used to aid in the understanding of this process. Policy makers who had been involved in the development of the white paper were interviewed in order to acquire a thorough understanding of who was involved in this process and how they produced the white paper. A theoretical framework is used that sorts policy development models into those that focus on knowledge and experience, and those which focus on politics and influence. This framework is central to understanding the evidence gathered from the individuals and associations that participated in this policy development process. The main research question to be asked in this project is to what extent do either of these sets of policy development models aid in understanding and explicating the process by which the Labour government's policies were developed. The interview evidence, along with published evidence, show that a clear pattern of policy change emerged from this policy development process, and the Knowledge-Experience and Politics-Influence policy making models both assist in understanding this process. The early stages of the policy development process were characterized as hierarchical and iterative, yet also very collaborative among those participating, with knowledge and experience being quite prevalent. At every point in the process, however, informal networks of political influence were used and noted to be quite prevalent by all of the individuals interviewed. The later stages of the process then became increasingly noninclusive, with decisions made by a select group of internal and external policy makers. These policy making models became an important tool with which to understand the policy development process. This Knowledge-Experience and Politics-Influence dichotomy of policy development models could therefore be useful in analyzing other types of policy development. ^

Bentgrass response to K fertilization and K release rates from eight sand rootzone sources used in putting green construction.

There is a lack of plant response to fertilizer K in some sandy soils even though routine soil tests for soil available K are shown to be low. This lack of plant response to K fertilizer application may be explained by K release from nonexchangeable forms. Greenhouse and laboratory experiments were conducted to evaluate (a) response of bentgrass (Agrostis palustris [Agrostis stolonifera var. palustris]) cv. Pencross grown in rootzones with different sand sources to K fertilizer application and (b) K release from nonexchangeable forms from the different sand sources as an index to K availability. Experimental variables in the greenhouse were 2 K levels (0 and 250 mg K/kg soil) and 8 sand rootzone sources. Rootzone soils were sub-irrigated to ensure no K loss from leaching. Two laboratory methods (boiling 1 M HNO3 extraction and continuous leaching with 0.01 M HCl) and total K uptake by the bentgrass were employed to index K release from nonexchangeable forms for each rootzone source. K fertilizer application significantly increased bentgrass yield growing in one rootzone source and root weight in 3 rootzone sources. K uptake by bentgrass and the 2 laboratory methods showed important differences in K release from the sand rootzones. The K removed by the 2 laboratory methods was closely related to leaf tissue K and K uptake, with the 1 M HNO3 extraction method providing the closest fit. The release of K from primary minerals in some rootzones with high sand content is proceeding at rates to satisfy bentgrass requirements for K. The 1 M HNO3 extraction method may provide an alternative to the routine laboratory procedures presently being used to measure the extractable K in sand-based constructed putting greens by measuring K contributed by nonexchangeable forms.