Climate justice and the international regime: before, during and after Paris

With a focus on key themes and debates, this article aims to illustrate and assess how the interaction between justice and politics has shaped the international regime and defined the nature of the international agreement that was signed in COP21 Paris. The work demonstrates that despite the rise of neo-conservatism and self-interested power politics, questions of global distributive justice remain a central aspect of the international politics of climate change. However, while it is relatively easy to demonstrate that international climate politics is not beyond the reach of moral contestations, the assessment of exactly how much impact justice has on climate policies and the broader normative structures of the climate governance regime remains a very difficult task. As the world digests the Paris Agreement, it is vital that the current state of justice issues within the international climate change regime is comprehensively understood by scholars of climate justice and by academics and practitioners, not least because how these intractable issues of justice are dealt with (or not) will be a crucial factor in determining the effectiveness of the emerging climate regime.

Melting Regime of the Anionic Phospholipid DMPG: New Lamellar Phase and Porous Bilayer Model

Aqueous dispersions of the anionic phospholipid dimyristoyl phosphatidylglycerol (DMPG) at pH above the apparent pK of DMPG and concentrations in the interval 70-300 mM have been investigated by small (SAXS) and wide-angle X-ray scattering, differential scanning calorimetry, and polarized optical microscopy. The order. disorder transition of the hydrocarbon chains occurs along an interval of about 10 degrees C (between T(m)(on) similar to 20 degrees C and T(m)(off) similar to 30 degrees C). Such melting regime was previously characterized at lower concentrations, up to 70 mM DMPG, when sample transparency was correlated with the presence of pores across the bilayer. At higher concentrations considered here, the melting regime persists but is not transparent. Defined SAXS peaks appear and a new lamellar phase L(p) with pores is proposed to exist above 70 mM DMPG, starting at similar to 23 degrees C (similar to 3 degrees C above T(m)(on)) and losing correlation after T(m)(off). A new model for describing the X-ray scattering of bilayers with pores, presented here, is able to explain the broad band attributed to in-plane correlation between pores. The majority of cell membranes have a net negative charge, and the opening of pores across the membrane tuned by ionic strength, temperature, and lipid composition is likely to have biological relevance.

PL spectroscopy of Fermi electrons in regime of the quantum Hall effect

The influence of the interlayer coupling on formation of the quantized Hall phase at the filling factor v = 2 was studied in the multilayer GaAs/AlGaAs heterostructures The disorder broaden Gaussian photoluminescence line due to the localized electrons was found in the quantized Hall phase of the isolated multi-quantum well structure On the other hand. the quantized Hall phase of the weakly-coupled multilayers emitted an asymmetrical line similar to that one observed in the metallic electron systems. We demonstrated that the observed asymmetry indicates a formation of the Fermi Surface in the quantized Hall phase of the multilayer electron system due to the interlayer peicolation. A sharp decrease of the single-particle scattering time associated with the extended states oil the Fermi surface was observed at the filling factor v = 2. (C) 2009 Elsevier B.V All rights reserved

The mass media destabilizes the cultural homogenous regime in Axelrod`s model

An important feature of Axelrod`s model for culture dissemination or social influence is the emergence of many multicultural absorbing states, despite the fact that the local rules that specify the agents interactions are explicitly designed to decrease the cultural differences between agents. Here we re-examine the problem of introducing an external, global interaction-the mass media-in the rules of Axelrod`s model: in addition to their nearest neighbors, each agent has a certain probability p to interact with a virtual neighbor whose cultural features are fixed from the outset. Most surprisingly, this apparently homogenizing effect actually increases the cultural diversity of the population. We show that, contrary to previous claims in the literature, even a vanishingly small value of p is sufficient to destabilize the homogeneous regime for very large lattice sizes.

The Evolution of a Responsibility to Protect in Africa : The African Unions Emerging Peace and Security Regime

The thesis focuses on, and tries to evaluate, the role that the African Union (AU) plays in protecting the peace and security on the African continent. The thesis takes an interdisciplinary approach to the topic by both utilizing international relations and international law theories. The two disciplines are combined in an attempt to understand the evolution of the AU’s commitment to the pragmatist doctrine: responsibility to protect (R2P). The AU charter is considered to be the first international law document to cover R2P as it allows the AU to interfere in the internal affairs of its member states. The R2P doctrine was evolved around the notion of a need to arrive at a consensus in regard to the right to intervene in the face of humanitarian emergencies. A part of the post-Cold War shift in UN behaviour has been to support local solutions to local problems. Hereby the UN acts in collaboration with regional organizations, such as the AU, to achieve the shared aspirations to maintain international peace and security without getting directly involved on the ground. The R2P takes a more holistic and long-term approach to interventions by including an awareness of the need to address the root causes of the crisis in order to prevent future resurrections of conflicts. The doctrine also acknowledges the responsibility of the international community and the intervening parties to actively participate in the rebuilding of the post-conflict state. This requires sustained and well planned support to ensure the development of a stable society.While the AU is committed to implementing R2P, many of the AU’s members are struggling, both ideologically and practically, to uphold the foundations on which legitimate intervention rests, such as the protection of human rights and good governance. The fact that many members are also among the poorest countries in the world adds to the challenges facing the AU. A lack of human and material resources leads to a situation where few countries are willing, or able, to support a long-term commitment to humanitarian interventions. Bad planning and unclear mandates also limit the effectiveness of the interventions. This leaves the AU strongly dependent on regional powerbrokers such as Nigeria and South Africa, which in itself creates new problems in regard to the motivations behind interventions. The current AU charter does not provide sufficient checks and balances to ensure that national interests are not furthered through humanitarian interventions. The lack of resources within the AU also generates worries over what pressure foreign nations and other international actors apply through donor funding. It is impossible for the principle of “local solutions for local problems? to gain ground while this donor conditionality exists.The future of the AU peace and security regime is not established since it still is a work in progress. The direction that these developments will take depends on a wide verity of factors, many of which are beyond the immediate control of the AU.

Towards Presidential Rule in Ukraine : Hybrid Regime Dynamics under Semi-Presidentialism

This article sets out to analyse recent regime developments in Ukraine in relation to semi-presidentialism. The article asks: to what extent and in what ways theoretical arguments against semi-presidentialism (premier-presidential and president-parliamentary systems) are relevant for understanding the changing directions of the Ukrainian regime since the 1990s? The article also reviews the by now overwhelming evidence suggesting that President Yanukovych is turning Ukraine into a more authoritarian hybrid regime and raises the question to what extent the president-parliamentary system might serve this end. The article argues that both kinds of semi-presidentialism have, in different ways, exacerbated rather than mitigated institutional conflict and political stalemate. The return to the president-parliamentary system in 2010 – the constitutional arrangement with the most dismal record of democratisation – was a step in the wrong direction. The premier-presidential regime was by no means ideal, but it had at least two advantages. It weakened the presidential dominance and it explicitly anchored the survival of the government in parliament. The return to the 1996 constitution ties in well with the notion that President Viktor Yanukovych has embarked on an outright authoritarian path.

Introducing personal liability under the continuous disclosure regime : The essentials and non-essentials

Under the Federal Government's CLERP 9 legislation, expected at the time of writing to come into force in July 2004, personal liability will be introduced for the first time under the continuous disclosure regime. Individuals who are 'involved' in a failure to immediately disclose materially price sensitive information to the market will be subject to a civil penalty, in addition to the company being liable. According to the author, the introduction of personal liability per se is not contentious and indeed is a favourable change; what is questionable, however, is whether 'involvement' in a contravention is the appropriate test for imposing personal liability in relation to breaches of the continuous disclosure provisions. Based on the case law to date on the meaning of 'involved', there is particular uncertainty as to whether an individual would need to have actual knowledge that non-disclosed information is 'materially price sensitive' in order to satisfy the test of 'involved' in the context of continuous disclosure, or whether mere knowledge that the information has not been disclosed would be sufficient. This uncertainty arises due to the vague concept of 'essential matters' which the courts have developed as a test for what degree of knowledge a person needs to have in order to be 'involved'. The author argues that all the confusion as to what 'involved' means could be addressed by removing the word 'essential' from the dialogue, so that the test of 'involvement' would simply be based on whether the particular person had actual knowledge of each of the factual elements constituting the offence.

Hydrological regime and macrophyte assemblages in temporary floodplain wetlands: implications for detecting responses to environmental water allocations

This study describes the macrophyte assemblages of temporary floodplain wetlands situated on the floodplain of the Murray River, southeast Australia. Wetlands in the study are subject to flooding, the frequency, duration, and magnitude of which are dictated by the current, regulated river-flow regime. Our aim was to examine the influence of the existing flooding regime on macrophyte assemblages and to trial a monitoring program, based on a multiple before-after-control-impact (MBACI) design, to detect the impact of proposed environmental water allocations (EWAs) on the wetlands. Two categories of flooding regime were identified based on the flow magnitudes required for flooding to occur (flooding thresholds). In this scheme, wetlands with relatively low flooding thresholds are classed as ‘impact’ and those with higher thresholds are classed as ‘control.’ The wetlands were surveyed over a two-year period that incorporated at least one wetting-drying cycle at all wetlands. Results showed significant differences between survey times (season and year), but differences between flooding regime categories were significant only for some components of macrophyte assemblages. Differences between survey dates appear to reflect largely short-term responses to the most recent flood events. However, macrophyte differences observed between control and impact wetlands reflected the cumulative effect of flood events over several years. Differences between control and impact wetlands were strongest for post-flooding surveys based on full assemblages (using ANOSIM) and among specific taxa and functional groups (using ANOVA). Power to detect differences between control and impact wetlands was greatest for species richness and total abundance, but taxa with low variability among wetlands, and hence good power, were actually less sensitive to hydrologic change. We conclude that the MBACI design used in this study will be most effective in detecting wetland ecosystem responses to the implementation of EWAs if response variables are carefully chosen based on their sensitivity to hydrologic change.

The evolution of the temporary protection visa regime in Australia

While the Temporary Protection Visa (TPV) regime was formally introduced in October 1999 by the Howard Government, the concept of temporary protection was not totally alien to the Australian humanitarian landscape. Earlier examples reflected a standard use of temporary protection as a complementary or interim protection mechanism, offering short-term group-based protection where individual assessment under the 1951 Convention was both impractical and untimely. This paper focuses on the wider and more controversial changes in the use of temporary protection mechanisms that were to follow with the introduction of the TPV in 1999, which offered substitute protection for individually assessed Convention refugees who had arrived onshore without valid travel documents. It examines the history and evolution of the TPV policy regime from 1999 to the announcement of its abolition in 2008, arguing that the introduction and subsequent development of the policy may be understood as a product of a conservative, exclusionist political climate in Australia, following the unprecedented impact of the populist One Nation party in 1998, and later, the impact of September 11th. It also examines later amendments to the regime as a response to growing domestic disquiet about the impacts of the policy, and the abolition of the TPV policy under a new Australian government elected in late 2007.

Multiple regime shifts in concurring and dissenting opinions on the U.S. Supreme Court

In a previous issue of this journal, Smyth and Narayan (2004) examine structural change in the level of consensus on the High Court of Australia. In this article we adopt a similar strategy to that employed in Smyth and Narayan (2004) to estimate both the number and location of structural breaks in concurring and dissenting opinions on the U.S. Supreme Court. Although it has commonly been believed that there has been one regime shift on the U.S. Supreme Court, corresponding to the breakdown in the consensual norm in the 1930s or 1940s, we find that there have been three breaks in consensus. We find that two of the three breaks in dissenting opinions correspond closely to the beginning of the terms of Taney and Stone as Chief Justice, with the third occurring in the middle of Chase's term. We find that two of the three breaks in concurring opinions correspond closely to the beginning of the terms of Taney and Hughes and that the third break in concurring opinions occurs in the middle of the Warren Court.