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[EN] Breast cancer patients show a wide variation in normal tissue reactions after radiotherapy. The individual sensitivity to x-rays limits the efficiency of the therapy. Prediction of individual sensitivity to radiotherapy could help to select the radiation protocol and to improve treatment results. The aim of this study was to assess the relationship between gene expression profiles of ex vivo un-irradiated and irradiated lymphocytes and the development of toxicity due to high-dose hyperfractionated radiotherapy in patients with locally advanced breast cancer. Raw data from microarray experiments were uploaded to the Gene Expression Omnibus Database http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/geo/ (GEO accession GSE15341). We obtained a small group of 81 genes significantly regulated by radiotherapy, lumped in 50 relevant pathways. Using ANOVA and t-test statistical tools we found 20 and 26 constitutive genes (0 Gy) that segregate patients with and without acute and late toxicity, respectively. Non-supervised hierarchical clustering was used for the visualization of results. Six and 9 pathways were significantly regulated respectively. Concerning to irradiated lymphocytes (2 Gy), we founded 29 genes that separate patients with acute toxicity and without it. Those genes were gathered in 4 significant pathways. We could not identify a set of genes that segregates patients with and without late toxicity. In conclusion, we have found an association between the constitutive gene expression profile of peripheral blood lymphocytes and the development of acute and late toxicity in consecutive, unselected patients. These observations suggest the possibility of predicting normal tissue response to irradiation in high-dose non-conventional radiation therapy regimens. Prospective studies with higher number of patients are needed to validate these preliminary results.

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[EN] The expression and regulation of intestinal oligopeptide transporter (PepT)-1 when vegetable sources are used as a substitute for fish meal in the diet of marine fish has not yet been explored. In the present study, as part of our ongoing work on elucidating PepT1 gene expression in relation to different dietary treatments, we have now isolated and deposited in Genbank database (accession no. GU733710) a cDNA sequence representing the PepT1 in the sea bream (Sparus aurata). The ?de novo? prediction of the three-dimensional structure of PepT1 protein is presented. We also analyzed diet-induced changes in the expression of PepT1 mRNA via real-time RT-PCR using the standard curve method. Sea bream were fed for 140 days with one of the following four diet formulations (43% protein/21% lipid): a control fast growth-promoting diet (C), and three diets with the same formulation but in which 15% of the fish meal was substituted by protein concentrates either from lupine (LPC), chick pea (CPC), or green pea (PPC). Fish fed PPC had significantly (p < 0.05) lower levels of PepT1 transcripts in the proximal intestine than the controls, whereas PepT1 transcript levels in fish fed LPC or CPC were not significantly different from the controls. Although growth was similar between fish fed with different diets during the first 72 days of feeding, growth of the fish fed with PPC was reduced during the second part of the trial and was significantly (p < 0.05) lower than fish fed LPC and CPC diets by the end of the experiment. Correlation between these results and fish growth performances highlights that the intestinal PepT1 mRNA level may serve as a useful marker of the dietary protein quality and absorption efficiency.

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Brown rot caused by Monilinia laxa and Monilinia fructigena is considered one of the most important diseases affecting Prunus species. Although some losses can result from the rotten fruits in the orchard, most of the damage is caused to fruits during the post-harvest phase. Several studies reported that brown rot incidence during fruit development highly varies; it was found that at a period corresponding to the the pit hardening stage, fruit susceptibility drastically decreases, to be quickly restored afterwards. However the molecular basis of this phenomenon is still not well understood. Furthermore, no difference in the rot incidence was found between wound and un-wound fruits, suggesting that resistance associated more to a specifc biochemical response of the fruit, rather than to a higher mechanical resistance. So far, the interaction Monilinia-peach was analyzed through chemical approaches. In this study, a bio-molecular approach was undertaken in order to reveal alteration in gene expression associated to the variation of susceptibility. In this thesis three different methods for gene expression analysis were used to analyze the alterations in gene expression occurring in peach fruits during the pit hardening stage, in a period encompassing the temporary change in Monilinia susceptibility: real time PCR, microarray and cDNA AFLP techniques. In 2005, peach fruits (cv.K2) were weekly harvested during a 19-week long-period, starting from the fourth week after full bloom, until full maturity. At each sampling time, three replicates of 5 fruits each were dipped in the M.laxa conidial suspension or in distilled water, as negative control. The fruits were maintained at room temperature for 3 hours; afterwards, they were peeled with a scalpel; the peel was immediately frozen in liquid nitrogen and transferred to -80 °C until use. The degree of susceptibility of peach fruit to the pathogen was determined on 3 replicates of 20 fruits each, as percentage of infected fruits, after one week at 20 °C. Real time PCR analysis was performed to study the variation in expression of those genes encoding for the enzymes of the phenylpropanoid pathway (phenylalanine ammonia lyase (PAL), chalcone synthase (CHS), cinnamate 4-hydroxylase (C4H), leucoanthocyanidine reductase (LAR), hydroxycinnamoyl CoA quinate hydroxycinnamoyl transferase (HQT) and of the jasmonate pathway, such as lipoxygenase (LOX), both involved in the production of important defense compounds. Alteration in gene expression was monitored on fruit samples of a period encompassing the pit hardening stage and the corresponding temporary resistance to M.laxa infections, weekly, from the 6thto the 12th week after full bloom (AFB) inoculated with M. laxa or mock-inoculated. The data suggest a critical change in the expression level of the phenylpropanoid pathway from the 7th to the 8th week AFB; such change could be directly physiologically associated to the peach growth and it could indirectly determine the decrease of susceptibility of peach fruit to Monilinia rot during the subsequent weeks. To investigate on the transcriptome variation underneath the temporary loss of susceptibility of peach fruits to Monilinia rot, the microarray and the cDNA AFLP techniques were used. The samples harvested on the 8th week AFB (named S, for susceptible ones) and on the 12th week AFB (named R, for resistant ones) were compared, both inoculated or mock-inoculated. The microarray experiments were carried out at the University of Padua (Dept. of Environmental Agronomy and Crop Science), using the μPEACH1.0 microarray together with the suited protocols. The analysis showed that 30 genes (corresponding to the 0.6% of the total sequences (4806) contained in the μPeach1.0 microarray) were found up-regulated and 31 ( 0.6%) down regulated in RH vs. SH fruits. On the other hand, 20 genes (0.4%) were shown to be up-regulated and 13 (0.3%) down-regulated in the RI vs. SI fruit. No genes were found differentially expressed in the mock-inoculated resistant fruits (RH) vs. the inoculated resistant ones (RI). Among the up-regulated genes an ATP sulfurylase, an heat shock protein 70, the major allergen Pru P1, an harpin inducing protein and S-adenosylmethionine decarboxylase were found, conversely among the down-regulated ones, cinnamyl alcohol dehydrogenase, an histidine- containing phosphotransfer protein and the ferritin were found. The microarray experimental results and the data indirectly derived, were tested by Real Time PCR analysis. cDNA AFLP analysis was also performed on the same samples. 339 transcript derived fragments considered significant for Monilinia resistance, were selected, sequenced and classified. Genes potentially involved in cell rescue and defence were well represented (8%); several genes (12.1%) involved in the protein folding, post-transductional modification and genes (9.2%) involved in cellular transport were also found. A further 10.3% of genes were classified as involved in the metabolism of aminoacid, carbohydrate and fatty acid. On the other hand, genes involved in the protein synthesis (5.7%) and in signal transduction and communication (5.7%) were found. Among the most interesting genes found differentially expressed between susceptible and resistant fruits, genes encoding for pathogenesis related (PR) proteins were found. To investigate on the association of Monilinia resistance and PR biological function, the major allergen Pru P1 (GenBank accession AM493970) and its isoform (here named Pru P2), were expressed in heterologous system and in vitro assayed for their anti-microbial activity. The ribonuclease activity of the recombinant Pru P1 and Pru P2 proteins was assayed against peach total RNA. As the other PR10 proteins, they showed a ribonucleolytic activity, that could be important to contrast pathogen penetration. Moreover Pru P1 and Pru P2 recombinant proteins were checked for direct antimicrobial activity. No inhibitory effect of Pru P1 or Pru P2 was detected against the selected fungi.

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With their accession to the European Union, twelve new countries - Romania among them - (re)entered the international community of international donors. In the history of development aid this can be seen as a unique event: it is for the first time in history that such a large number of countries become international donors, with such short notice and in such a particular context that sees some scholars announcing the ‘death’ of development. But in spite of what might be claimed regarding the ‘end’ of the development era, development discourse seems to be rather vigorous and in good health: it is able to extert an undeniable force of attraction over the twelve countries that, in a matter of years, have already convinced themselves of its validity and adhered to its main tenets. This thesis collects evidence for improving our understanding of this process that sees the co-optation of twelve new countries to the dominant theory and practice of development cooperation. The evidence collected seems to show that one of the tools employed by the promoters of this co-optation process is that of constructing the ‘new’ Member States as ‘new’, inexpert donors that need to learn from the ‘old’ ones. By taking a case-study approach, this thesis gathers data that suggests that conceiving of the ‘twelve’ as ‘new’ donors is both historically inaccurate and value-ladden. On one hand, Romania’s case-study illustrates how in the (socialist) past at least one in the group of the twelve was particularly conversant in the discourse of international development. On the other hand, the process of co-optation, while being presented as a knowledgeproducing process, can also be seen as an ignorance-producing procedure: Romania, along with its fellow new Member States, takes the opportunity of ‘building its capacity’ and ‘raising its awareness’ of development cooperation along the line drawn by the European Union, but at the same time it seems to un-learn and ‘lower’ its awareness of development experience in the (socialist) past. This is one possible reading of this thesis. At a different level, this thesis can also be seen as an attempt to account of almost five decades of international development discourse in one specific country – Romania – in three different socio-political contexts: the socialist years (up to the year 1989), the ‘transition years’ (from 1989 to the pre-accession years) and the membership to the European Union. In this second reading, the thesis seeks to illustrate how – contrary to widespread beliefs – before 1989 Romania’s international development discourse was particularly vivid: in the most varied national and international settings President Ceausescu unfolded an extensive discursive activity on issues pertaining to international development; generous media coverage of affairs concerning the developing countries and their fight for development was the rule rather than the exception; the political leadership wanted the Romanians not only to be familiarized with (or ‘aware of’ to use current terminology) matters of underdevelopment, but also to prove a sense of solidarity with these countries, as well as a sense of pride for the relations of ‘mutual help’ that were being built with them; finally, international development was object of academic attention and the Romanian scholars were able not only to reflect on major developments, but could also formulate critical positions towards the practices of development aid. Very little remains of all this during the transition years, while in the present those who are engaged in matters pertaining to international development do so with a view of building Romania as an EU-compliant donor.

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L’oggetto del lavoro si sostanzia nella verifica del grado di giustiziabilità che i diritti sociali ricevono nell’ordinamento dell’Unione europea. L’indagine si articola in tre capitoli. Il primo è dedicato ad una sintetica ricostruzione dei modelli di welfare state riconosciuti dagli ordinamenti dei diversi paesi membri dell’Unione attraverso cui, la candidata enuclea un insieme di diritti sociali che ricevono tutela in tutti gli ordinamenti nazionali. L’esposizione prosegue, con la ricostruzione dell’evoluzione dei Trattati istitutivi dell’Unione e l’inclusione della sfera sociale tra gli obiettivi di questa. In particolare, il secondo capitolo esamina la giurisprudenza della Corte di Giustizia in relazione alle materie sociali, nonché l’inclusione dei diritti sociali nel testo della Carta dei diritti fondamentali. L’analisi si sofferma sulle tecniche normative adottate nell’area della politica sociale, evidenziando la tendenza ad un approccio di tipo “soft” piuttosto che attraverso il classico metodo comunitario. Esaurita questa analisi il terzo capitolo analizza i rapporti tra il diritto dell’Ue e quello della CEDU in materia di diritti sociali, evidenziano il diverso approccio utilizzato dalle due istanze sovranazionali nella tutela di questi diritti. Sulla base del lavoro svolto si conclude per una sostanziale mancanza di giustiziabilità dei diritti sociali in ambito dell’Unione. In particolare i punti deboli dell’Europa sociale vengono individuati in: un approccio regolativo alla dimensione sociale di tipo sempre più soft; la permanenza di alcuni deficit di competenze; la mancata indicazione di criteri di bilanciamento tra diritti sociali e libertà economiche e dalla compresenza delle due nozioni di economia sociale e di economia di mercato. Le conclusioni mostrano come l’assenza di competenze esclusive dell’Unione in materia di politica sociale non consenta una uniformazione/armonizzazione delle politiche sociali interne, che si riflette nell’incapacità dei modelli sociali nazionali di assorbire i grandi mutamenti macro economici che si sono avuti negli ultimi vent’anni, sia a livello sovranazionale che internazionale.

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In den konsultativen Referenden von 1972 und 1994 stimmte eine knappe Mehrheit der norwegischen Wählerschaft gegen einen Beitritt in die europäische Staatengemeinschaft. Regierung und Parlament zogen daraufhin ihr Aufnahmegesuch zurück. Ein erneuter Antrag auf Mitgliedschaft in der EU wird seither vermieden, da sich die Parteien des Konfliktpotenzials bewusst sind. Von der politischen Agenda ist diese Streitfrage jedoch nicht verschwunden. Die vorliegende Magisterarbeit greift den gängigen Erklärungsansatz der politikwissenschaftlichen Forschung auf: Das Scheitern der Referenden ist demnach auf die Aktualisierung traditioneller politischer Konfliktlinien zurückzuführen. Inwieweit diese Cleavages die Einstellungen norwegischer Staatsbürger zur Europäischen Integration bestimmen, wird anhand eines komplexen Konfliktlinienmodells und mittels aktueller Daten untersucht. Aufbauend auf dem klassischen Cleavage-Konzept von Seymour Lipset und Stein Rokkan (Zentrum/Peripherie, Staat/Kirche, Stadt/Land, Kapital/Arbeit), findet eine Konkretisierung von Stefano Bartolini und Peter Mair Anwendung, die jede der vier Konfliktlinien als dreidimensional (empirisch, normativ und organisatorisch) begreift. In einem historischen Überblick zeigt sich die Relevanz der tradierten Konfliktlinien für Norwegen, die sich sowohl im nationalen Parteiensystem als auch in den Standpunkten der Parteien zu einem EU-Beitritt widerspiegeln. Datengrundlage für die folgenden empirischen Analysen (Kreuztabellen, Mittelwert- und Korrelationsvergleiche, multiple lineare Regressionen) stellt die norwegische Teilstudie der zweiten Welle des European Social Survey von 2004/2005 dar. Europäische Integration wird von den meisten norwegischen Staatsbürgern, die sich empirisch, normativ und organisatorisch auf den Konfliktlinienpolen Peripherie, Kirche, Land oder Arbeit verorten lassen, negativ bewertet. Im Gegensatz dazu geht die recht häufig vertretene Kombination der empirischen Konfliktlinienpole Zentrum-Staat-Stadt-Kapital mit einer überdurchschnittlich positiven Einstellung einher. Insgesamt erweist sich der Zusammenhang mit der Zentrum/Peripherie-Konfliktlinie als am höchsten.

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Region-specific empirically based ground-truth (EBGT) criteria used to estimate the epicentral-location accuracy of seismic events have been developed for the Main Ethiopian Rift and the Tibetan plateau. Explosions recorded during the Ethiopia-Afar Geoscientific Lithospheric Experiment (EAGLE), the International Deep Profiling of Tibet, and the Himalaya (INDEPTH III) experiment provided the necessary GT0 reference events. In each case, the local crustal structure is well known and handpicked arrival times were available, facilitating the establishment of the location accuracy criteria through the stochastic forward modeling of arrival times for epicentral locations. In the vicinity of the Main Ethiopian Rift, a seismic event is required to be recorded on at least 8 stations within the local Pg/Pn crossover distance and to yield a network-quality metric of less than 0.43 in order to be classified as EBGT5(95%) (GT5 with 95% confidence). These criteria were subsequently used to identify 10 new GT5 events with magnitudes greater than 2.1 recorded on the Ethiopian Broadband Seismic Experiment (EBSE) network and 24 events with magnitudes greater than 2.4 recorded on the EAGLE broadband network. The criteria for the Tibetan plateau are similar to the Ethiopia criteria, yet slightly less restrictive as the network-quality metric needs to be less than 0.45. Twenty-seven seismic events with magnitudes greater than 2.5 recorded on the INDEPTH III network were identified as GT5 based on the derived criteria. When considered in conjunction with criteria developed previously for the Kaapvaal craton in southern Africa, it is apparent that increasing restrictions on the network-quality metric mirror increases in the complexity of geologic structure from craton to plateau to rift. Accession Number: WOS:000322569200012

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Profiling miRNA expression in cells that directly contribute to human disease pathogenesis is likely to aid the discovery of novel drug targets and biomarkers. However, tissue heterogeneity and the limited amount of human diseased tissue available for research purposes present fundamental difficulties that often constrain the scope and potential of such studies. We established a flow cytometry-based method for isolating pure populations of pathogenic T cells from bronchial biopsy samples of asthma patients, and optimized a high-throughput nano-scale qRT-PCR method capable of accurately measuring 96 miRNAs in as little as 100 cells. Comparison of circulating and airway T cells from healthy and asthmatic subjects revealed asthma-associated and tissue-specific miRNA expression patterns. These results establish the feasibility and utility of investigating miRNA expression in small populations of cells involved in asthma pathogenesis, and set a precedent for application of our nano-scale approach in other human diseases. The microarray data from this study (Figure 7) has been submitted to the NCBI Gene Expression Omnibus (GEO; http://ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/geo) under accession no. GSE31030.

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Pseudogenes (Ψs), including processed and non-processed Ψs, are ubiquitous genetic elements derived from originally functional genes in all studied genomes within the three kingdoms of life. However, systematic surveys of non-processed Ψs utilizing genomic information from multiple samples within a species are still rare. Here a systematic comparative analysis was conducted of Ψs within 80 fully re-sequenced Arabidopsis thaliana accessions, and 7546 genes, representing ~28% of the genomic annotated open reading frames (ORFs), were found with disruptive mutations in at least one accession. The distribution of these Ψs on chromosomes showed a significantly negative correlation between Ψs/ORFs and their local gene densities, suggesting a higher proportion of Ψs in gene desert regions, e.g. near centromeres. On the other hand, compared with the non-Ψ loci, even the intact coding sequences (CDSs) in the Ψ loci were found to have shorter CDS length, fewer exon number and lower GC content. In addition, a significant functional bias against the null hypothesis was detected in the Ψs mainly involved in responses to environmental stimuli and biotic stress as reported, suggesting that they are likely important for adaptive evolution to rapidly changing environments by pseudogenization to accumulate successive mutations.

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Since the turbulence of 1989, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe have striven to "return to Europe". Agreements have been signed with ten post-communist countries, beginning in 1991 with Czechoslovakia (before its division), Hungary and Poland. Since that time several countries have expressed a desire to become members of the EU. In 1997 the European Commission announced its opinion on the applications for EU membership of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, and seven other applicant countries. The Commission recommended the commencement of negotiations on accession with the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovenia. Mr. Kucia's report, presented in the form of a series of manuscripts totalling 91 pages, written in English and Polish and including many pages of tables and graphs, presents the results of a study of public opinion on European integration in four countries of Central Europe (CE): the Czech Republic (CZ), Hungary (H), Poland (PL), and Slovakia (SK). The research results are primarily based on a public-opinion survey known as the Central and Eastern Eurobarometer (CEEB). CEEB has been conducted on behalf of the European Commission in the Central and Eastern European countries each year in autumn since 1990. Below is a very small selection of Mr. Kucia's research findings. Throughout the 90s people in the four countries increasingly saw their countries' future tied up with the EU, since economic and political connections to the EU were growing and prospects for EU membership were increasing. Regional co-operation within CE did not gain much popular recognition. However, initially high levels of enthusiasm for the EU were gradually superseded by a more realistic approach or even scepticism. Poland was the exception in this respect; its population was more positive about the EU in 1996 than ever before. Mr. Kucia concludes that, since the political "elites" in CE are more positive about the EU than the people they serve, they should do their best to bring people round to their beliefs, lest the project of European integration become purely the business of the elites, as Mr. Kucia claims it has been in the EU up till now. He accuses the governments of the region, the EU authorities and the media of failing to provide appropriate information, especially about the two subjects which most affect them, association with the EU and the PHARE assistance programme. Respondents were asked to rank in order the countries or regions they saw their country's future most closely tied up with. In the period 92-96 the EU received the highest ratings in all of CE. The ratings were highest in CZ in 92 and 93 (46%) and in Poland in 96 (46%). They were the lowest in Hungary (22% in 94). After the EU came "Other Western European countries (non EU)", that is Austria, Sweden and Finland (before they joined the EU in 1995), Switzerland and Norway. Mr. Kucia puts the high ratings of these countries down to historical connections and geographical proximity, particularly in the case of Austria. The USA always came second in Poland, and in Hungary too its standing has always been higher than in CZ or SK. Indeed Mr. Kucia suggests that the USA's standing is disproportionately low in especially the CZ. Germany was nominated frequently by Hungarians, though in the CZ and SK, figures have been consistently low (1-2%). "Other CE/EE countries" increased their ratings in all of CE except Poland between 92 and 96. With regard to these last figures, Mr. Kucia makes an interesting note. Assuming that for the respondents in the four countries this category covered the Visegrad 4, least support was found in Poland, whose government was the most in favour of close political co-operation within the V4, while most support was in evidence in CZ and SK, for whose governments V4 was simply not a priority. Again, there is evidence of a divide between the political elites and the people. Russia has occupied a consistently modest rank. It was the highest in PL, fairly low in H and SK and the lowest in CZ. The Slovak government's policy of closer ties with Russia is reflected in a growth in the figures from 2% in 93 to 6% in 95. Every year the spontaneous answer "we should depend on ourselves" appeared, which Mr. Kucia interprets as either a sign of isolationism and disillusionment or as a call for self-reliance. Unfortunately he regards both these tendencies as unfeasible in the uniting Europe. Moving to more general conclusions, Mr. Kucia finds that the concept "Central Europe" does not have much meaning for Central Europeans. He believes that this is probably due to the failure to establish a viable regional co-operation network. Group discussions also revealed that people thought themselves European as a consequence of being Czech or Polish etc. Thus European identity is based on national identities. Generally within the surveyed period, the numbers of those who said they often think themselves European decreased, while the numbers of those who said they never think themselves European increased from 41% in PL, 36% in CZ, and 30% in H in 1990, to 67% in CZ, 58% in PL, and 51% in H in 1995.

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Membership of the European Union U is usually seen as a strategic goal of the associated states of central and eastern Europe. At the beginning of the 1990s central European countries, where the economic and political transformation was relatively advanced, received preferential treatment from the European Community, which was starting to evolve a policy of differentiation. Podraza studied the strategies of four central European countries towards changes under way in the European Union, analysing several aspects for each case: (1) the process of political transformation (2) decision-making structures in the field of foreign policy and European integration (3) integration strategies: (a) main foreign policy priorities (b) application for membership of the European Union (c) the Commission option on each country (d) accession partnership, including a National Programme for the Adoption of the Acquis (NPAA) (e) regular Commission reports (f) accession negotiations

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Ideally the social work profession promotes social change, problem solving in human relationships and the empowerment and liberation of people to enhance their well-being (IFSW 2004). The social work practice, however, often proves to be different. Social workers are always in the danger to make decisions for their clients or define problems according to their own interpretation and world view. In quite a number of cases, the consequence of such a social work practice is that the clients feel disempowered rather than empowered. This dilemma is multiplying when western social workers get involved in developing countries. The potential that intervention, with the intention to empower and liberate the people, turns into disempowerment is tremendously higher because of the differences in tradition, culture and society, on the one side and the power imbalance between the ‘West’ and the ‘Rest’ on the other side. Especially in developing countries, where the vast majority of people live in poverty, many Western social workers come with a lot of sympathy and the idea to help the poor and to change the world. An example is Romania. After the collapse of communism in 1989, Romania was an economically, politically and socially devastated country. The pictures of the orphanages shocked the western world. As a result many Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), churches and individuals were bringing humanitarian goods to Romania in order to alleviate the misery of the Romanian people and especially the children. Since then, important changes in all areas of life have occurred, mostly with foreign financial aid and support. At the political level, democratic institutions were established, a liberal market economy was launched and laws were adapted to western standards regarding the accession into the European Union and the NATO. The western world has left its marks also at the grassroots level in form of NGOs or social service agencies established through western grants and individuals. Above and beyond, the presence of western goods and investment in Romania is omnipresent. This reflects a newly-gained freedom and prosperity - Romania profits certainly from these changes. But this is only one side of the medal, as the effect of westernisation contradicts with the Romanian reality and overruns many deep-rooted traditions, thus the majority of people. Moreover, only a small percentage of the population has access to this western world. Western concepts, procedures or interpretations are often highly differing from the Romanian tradition, history and culture. Nevertheless, western ideas seem to dominate the transition in many areas of daily life in Romania. A closer look reveals that many changes take place due to pressure of western governments and are conditioned to financial support. The dialectic relationship between the need for foreign aid and the implementation becomes very obvious in Romania and often leads, despite the substantial benefits, to unpredictable and rather negative side-effects, at a political, social, cultural, ecological and/or economic level. This reality is a huge dilemma for all those involved, as there is a fine line between empowering and disempowering action. It is beyond the scope of this journal to discuss the dilemma posed by Western involvement at all levels; therefore this article focuses on the impact of Western social workers in Romania. The first part consists of a short introduction to social work in Romania, followed by the discussion about the dilemma posed by the structure of project of international social work and the organisation of private social service agencies. Thirdly the experiences of Romanian staff with Western social workers are presented and then discussed with regard to turning disempowering tendencies of Western social workers into empowerment.

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This article attempts to analyse and investigate the implications of the approach to the applicability of Article XX GATT adopted in the recent China – Raw Materials. Using the decision on the non-availability of Article XX defences for violations of China’s WTO-plus commitments on export duties as a backdrop, it scrutinizes the more general, ‘systemic’ approach to the applicability of Article XX exceptions developed by theWTO dispute settlement bodies, and sheds light on the implications of such approach with respect to the relationship between GATT 1994 andWTO obligations arising from different instruments of theWTOAgreement, such as new members’ accession protocols. It also suggests that an exception to this general approach could be envisaged when the fundamental environmental goals protected under Article XX b) and g) are at stake.