Moving and dancing towards decolonisation in education: An example from an Indigenous Australian performance classroom

This paper explores the special type of thinking, moving and dancing place which is opened up for decolonisaton when students engage in an embodied pedagogical practice in Indigenous education. The author examines what decolonisation means in this context by describing the ways in which the curriculum, the students and teacher, and more generally the discipline of ethnomusicology itself, undergo a process to question, critique, and move aside the pedagogical script of colonialism in order to allow Indigenous ways of understanding music and dance to be presented, privileged and empowered. Key questions are: What is the relationship between embodiment and disembodiment and decolonisation and colonisation? In what ways is embodiment more than, or other than, the presence of moving bodies? In what ways is performativity an aspect of power/knowledge/subject formations? How can it be theorised? What could the pedagogical scripts of decolonisation look like?

Epidemiology of open- and closed-globe trauma presenting to Cairns Base Hospital, Queensland

Purpose: To review the epidemiology of serious ocular trauma presenting to Cairns Base Hospital, from the far north Queensland health districts. Methods: A retrospective study of cases from January 1995 to November 2002 inclusive. Cases were analysed with respect to demographics, cause and nature of injury, method of transport and time to and type of ophthalmic treatment, and visual outcomes. Results: There were 226 cases identified, including 71 open-globe and 155 closed-globe injuries. The annual rate of injury was 3.7 per 100 000 for open-globe and 11.8 per 100 000 in total. The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population from the far north Queensland districts showed a disproportionate incidence, with 38% of the total number of injuries, despite representing only 12.3% of the population. Assault in the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population resulted in 69.6% of injuries in men and 75.8% of injuries in women. Of all assaults 76.2% were alcohol-related. The majority (71.5%) of injuries in the Caucasian population were due to accidental blunt and sharp trauma. In total, 77.4% of injuries occurred in men, with an average age of 31 years. Of all open and closed injuries in the study, a final visual acuity of 6/12 or better was achieved in 47.8% of eyes and a final visual acuity of 6/60 or less occurred in 17.7% of patients, 20.8% patients were lost to follow up. In total, 14.1% of open injuries required enucleation/evisceration. Conclusions: The incidence of ocular trauma in far north Queensland is equal to other Australian populations. However, there is a disproportionately high incidence in the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population. Alcohol-related assault is a significant cause of visual loss in the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population. Closed-globe injuries are more common than open globe; however, the latter have poorer visual prognosis. Initial visual acuity of all injuries correlated with final visual acuity.

Diplomatic divergence in the antipodes: Globalisation, foreign policy and state identity in Australia and New Zealand

This article compares the constitutive relationship between foreign policy and globalisation in Australia and New Zealand. Drawing upon insights from constructivist international relations theory we argue that foreign policy instantiates a state's social identity, its self-understanding of its role and moral purpose by projecting a distinctive image onto the global stage. We explore the differences and the similarities between Australia and New Zealand by examining how each country views international order, global trade, global governance and human rights and international security. Although both countries appear to be transforming themselves into more 'globalised' states, there are significant differences in the way each seeks to balance the competing strategic and normative demands. This diplomatic divergence, we argue, stems from different conceptions of state identity.

Reduced nephron number and glomerulomegaly in Australian Aborigines: A group at high risk for renal disease and hypertension

Aborigines in remote areas of Australia have much higher rates of renal disease, as well as hypertension and cardiovascular disease, than non-Aboriginal Australians. We compared kidney findings in Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people in one remote region. Glomerular number and mean glomerular volume were estimated with the disector/fractionator combination in the right kidney of 19 Aborigines and 24 non-Aboriginal people undergoing forensic autopsy for sudden or unexpected death in the Top End of the Northern Territory. Aborigines had 30% fewer glomeruli than non-Aborigines-202000 fewer glomeruli per kidney, or an estimated 404000 fewer per person (P=0.036). Their mean glomerular volume was 27% larger (P=0.016). Glomerular number was significantly correlated with adult height, inferring a relationship with birthweight, which, on average, is much lower in Aboriginal than non-Aboriginal people. Aboriginal people with a history of hypertension had 30% fewer glomeruli than those without-250000 fewer per kidney (P=0.03), or 500000 fewer per person, and their mean glomerular volume was about 25% larger. The lower nephron number in Aboriginal people is compatible with their susceptibility to renal failure. The additional nephron deficit associated with hypertension is compatible with other reports. Lower nephron numbers are probably due in part to reduced nephron endowment, which is related to a suboptimal intrauterine environment. Compensatory glomerular hypertrophy in people with fewer nephrons, while minimizing loss of total filtering surface area, might be exacerbating nephron loss. Optimization of fetal growth should ultimately reduce the florid epidemic of renal disease, hypertension, and cardiovascular disease.

Whither the responsibility to protect? Humanitarian intervention and the 2005 World Summit

At the 2005 World Summit, the world's leaders committed themselves to the "responsibility to protect", recognizing both that all states have a responsibility to protect their citizens from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity and that the UN should help states to discharge this responsibility using either peaceful means or enforcement action. This declaration ostensibly marks an important milestone in the relationship between sovereignty and human rights but its critics argue that it will make little difference in practice to the world's most threatened people. The purpose of this article is to ask how consensus was reached on the responsibility to protect, given continuing hostility to humanitarian intervention expressed by many (if not most) of the world's states and whether the consensus will contribute to avoiding future Kosovos (cases where the Security Council is deadlocked in the face of a humanitarian crises) and future Rwandas (cases where states lack the political will to intervene). It suggests that four key factors contributed to the consensus: pressure from proponents of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, its adoption by Kofi Annan and the UN's High Level Panel, an emerging consensus in the African Union, and the American position. Whilst these four factors contributed to consensus, each altered the meaning of the responsibility to protect in important ways, creating a doctrine that many states can sign up to but that does little to prevent future Kosovos and Rwandas and may actually inhibit attempts to build a consensus around intervention in future cases.