Aboriginal self-determination in Australia - The effects of minority-majority frames and target universalism on majority collective guilt and compensation attitudes

In the context of Aboriginal-Anglo Australian relations, we tested the effect of framing (multiculturalism versus separatism) and majority group members' social values (universalism) on the persuasiveness of Aboriginal group rhetoric, majority collective guilt, attitudes toward compensation, and reparations for Aboriginals. As predicted, Anglo Australians who are low on universalism report more collective guilt when presented with a multiculturalist than a separatist Aboriginal frame, whereas those high on universalism report high levels of guilt independent of frame. The same pattern was predicted and found for the persuasiveness of the rhetoric and attitudes toward compensation. Our data suggest that (a) for individuals low in universalism, framing produces attitudes consonant with compensation because it produces collective guilt and (b) the reason that universalists are more in favor of compensation and reparation is because of high collective guilt. We discuss the strategic use of language to create power through the manipulation of collective guilt in political contexts.

AVALIAÇÃO DA ACEITAÇÃO DO PORTAL INOVAÇÃO: UM ESTUDO DE CASO

Esta pesquisa apresenta estudo de caso cujo objetivo foi analisar a aceitação do Portal Inovação, identificando os fatores preditivos da intenção comportamental de uso e do comportamento de uso direcionadores da adoção da tecnologia por seus usuários via extensão do Modelo Unificado de Aceitação de Tecnologia, denominado pela sigla UTAUT (Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technololgy) de Venkatesh et al. (2003). O objeto da pesquisa o Portal Inovação foi desenvolvido pelo Ministério da Ciência, Tecnologia e Inovação (MCTI) em parceria com o Centro de Gestão e Estudos Estratégicos (CGEE), Associação Brasileira de Desenvolvimento Industrial (ABDI) e Instituto Stela, visando atender às demandas do Sistema Nacional de Ciência, Tecnologia e Inovação (SNCTI) do País. Para atingir os objetivos propostos, recorreu-se às abordagens qualitativa, que foi subsidiada pelo método estudo de caso (YIN, 2005) e quantitativa, apoiada pela metodologia UTAUT, aplicada a usuários do portal e que contemplou o resultado de 264 respondentes validados. Quanto ao material de análise, utilizou-se da pesquisa bibliográfica sobre governo eletrônico (e-Gov), Internet, Sistema Nacional de Inovação, modelos de aceitação de tecnologia, dados oficiais públicos e legislações atinentes ao setor de inovação tecnológica. A técnica de análise empregada quantitativamente consistiu no uso de modelagem por equações estruturais, com base no algoritmo PLS (Partial Least Square) com bootstrap de 1.000 reamostragens. Os principais resultados obtidos demonstraram alta magnitude e significância preditiva sobre a Intenção Comportamental de Uso do Portal pelos fatores: Expectativa de Desempenho e Influência Social. Além de evidenciarem que as condições facilitadoras impactam significativamente sobre o Comportamento de Uso dos usuários. A conclusão principal do presente estudo é a de que ao considerarmos a aceitação de um portal governamental em que a adoção é voluntária, o fator social é altamente influente na intenção de uso da tecnologia, bem como os aspectos relacionados à produtividade consequente do usuário e o senso de utilidade; além da facilidade de interação e domínio da ferramenta. Tais constatações ensejam em novas perspectivas de pesquisa e estudos no âmbito das ações de e-Gov, bem como no direcionamento adequado do planejamento, monitoramento e avaliação de projetos governamentais.

PREGAÇÃO NA TERRA DO SAMBA E DO FUTEBOL UMA ANÁLISE SÓCIO-RELIGIOSA DA PRÉDICA PROTESTANTE DE MISSÃO E A IDENTIDADE BRASILEIRA

A presente pesquisa tem como propósito maior identificar as consequências sócioreligiosas que se dão no encontro entre a prédica protestante de missão e os principais marcos de referência da identidade brasileira. Para tanto, num primeiro momento, analisa os movimentos religiosos que fomentaram a matriz teológica do protestantismo de missão responsável pela caracterização de sua prédica por meio de revisão bibliográfica e estudo dos sermões de alguns dos primeiros missionários americanos e pregadores nacionais. Num segundo momento, por meio de pesquisa de campo e análise de sermões contemporâneos, a pesquisa identifica as variações da matriz teológica do protestantismo de missão e os reflexos consequentes em sua prédica atual. Ao definir, num terceiro momento, os principais aspectos da identidade nacional, confronta-os com as principais características da prédica protestante de missão brasileira, identificando algumas das consequências sócio-religiosas provenientes dos encontros e desencontros que se dão entre os dois fenômenos. Por fim, baseado nos resultados da pesquisa e no que se tem escrito sobre o tema, aponta-se alguns caminhos para uma ciência homilética que considera a identidade brasileira como elemento basilar de sua reflexão e práxis.

O REAL E O IMAGINÁRIO NA IMAGEM DA TELENOVELA BRASILEIRA EXPORTADA

A telenovela se desenvolveu junto a fatos históricos da sociedade brasileira. Na medida em que servia de espaço para retratar as características de um povo que busca uma identidade, a própria telenovela ajudou a construir essa identidade nacional. Através de estudo bibliográfico buscamos dissertar sobre a imagem produzida na telenovela e re-elaborada pelo telespectador, inferindo sobre a aceitação das telenovelas brasileiras no exterior, uma vez que é um produto específico desenvolvido pela e para a sociedade brasileira. As conclusões apresentadas indicam uma relação, no plano simbólico e afetivo, entre imagem e telespectador, servindo como instrumento de reconhecimento e motivador.

War words:language, history and the disciplining of English

Debates about the nature of literacy and literacy practices have been conducted extensively in the last fifteen years or so. The fact that both previous and current British governments have effectively suppressed any real debate makes the publication of this book both timely and important. Here, Urszula Clark stresses the underlying ideological character of such debates and shows that they have deep historical roots. She also makes the point that issues regarding the relationship between language and identity, especially national identity, become sharply focused at times of crisis in that identity. By undertaking a comparison with other major English-speaking countries, most notably Australia, New Zealand and the USA, Clark shows how these times of crisis reverberate around the globe.

"The Alien Within":translation into German during the Nazi regime

In a regime obsessed with purity, what place could there be for a literary practice that epitomises hybridity — translation? Examining the discourse on translation in Nazi literary journals, this study shows how foreign literature was viewed through the prism of national identity formation, in terms of the threats or benefits to nationhood which translation might offer. The fortunes of translation under the strictures of censorship are traced with an analysis of official policies and publication patterns, complemented by two detailed case studies of translations from English.

Beyond securitisation : Western Mediterranean international relations from a security perspective 1989-2002

Following the end of the Cold War and the ensuing changes to the international landscape, thinking about security has tended to become more discursive and interpretative in nature. What counts as security has increasingly derived from security discourses (that is, 'securitisation') and uncertainty about the multi-faceted future facing various countries and regions. Within this post-Cold War discourse, the Western Mediterranean has emerged as a region fraught with latent and manifest threats in the economic, political, societal and military sectors. Improved access to EU markets for Maghrebi exports; the security of energy supplies to the EU from Algeria and Libya; lack of democracy and the advance of political Islam; the flow of northward migration and worries about law and order in France, Italy and Spain; the growth in military expenditure and weapons proliferation in the Maghreb; all have been central to the securitisation agenda. However, this agenda has often lacked credibility especially when inter-linkages have purportedly been established between economic underdevelopment and political instability, between the advance of political Islam and the threat to energy supplies, or between immigration and the threat to national identity. Such inter-sectoral linkages distract from the credibility of those 'securitisation instances' which correspond to reality; the former linkages have often been exploited by extremist politicians in south-west European countries as well as by regimes in the Maghreb to advance their respective interests. Thus, securitisation may defeat its main purpose; it may generate responses out of keeping with the aims proclaimed at the outset, aims centred on the countering of real threats and the ensuring of greater stability.

Protestantism, nation and diaspora in Imperial Germany

This article examines the close connection between Protestantism and nationalism in Imperial Germany within a transnational context. In the years before 1914, the Prussian State Church in particular strengthened the legal and organisational framework for an increasing number of diaspora congregations to become attached. These acted as an important vehicle to embed the nationalist rhetoric produced within the Reich into emigrants' notions of belonging. Whilst previous scholarship has noted this connection in general, the article sheds more detailed light on the mechanics and structure, but also on the limits, of this process. Feedback processes from periphery to centre, in turn, had an impact on German national identity construction as that of a nation that was not confined to state borders. Applying a constructionist theoretical framework, the contested question of whether the heterogeneity of Germans abroad allows for the application of the diaspora concept is answered affirmatively.

The Romanian Orthodox Church

At first glance, the nationalist ideology of the French Revolution seems to have had little impact on the Orthodox Church in Romanian-speaking territories. Romanians were the predominant inhabitants of the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia and the neighboring territories of Transylvania (including Crişana, Maramureş and Banat), Bukovina, Bessarabia, and Dobrudja. The majority of ethnic Romanians belonged to the Orthodox faith while their communities were at the intersection of geopo liti cal interests of the Rus sian, Ottoman, and Habsburg empires. In 1859 the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia (known as the Old Kingdom between 1866 and 1918) united into a single state under the rule of a local prince. The term "Romania" began to be used by the new state in its of cial documents in 1862. Two years later, the state supported the declaration of a Romanian autocephalous (in de pen dent) church that was recognized by the Ecumenical Patriarchate in 1885. As an integrative part of the Orthodox commonwealth, the church was situated between the competing jurisdictions of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Rus sian Orthodox Church, while its declaration of autocephaly followed a pattern in the spread of national churches in Southeastern Europe. From the Treaty of Kuchuk Kainardji of 1774 to the beginning of the Greek War for In de pen dence in 1821, the Romanian principalities were under the suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire, which had full control of their po liti cal and economic affairs. The sultan appointed princes, and the Porte determined their po liti cal and judicial status. The princes were drawn from the "Phanariots," and were directly appointed by the Porte from preponderantly Greek elite rather than the Romanian local elite, the boyars (boieri).1 In each principality, the church was headed by a metropolitan who was under the direct jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. That religion mattered to local population as a means of social cohesion was suggestively depicted by Anatole de Demidoff, an En glish traveler in the region in 1837. Arriving in Bucharest, the capital of Wallachia, he claimed that: I know of no city in Europe in which it is possible to find more agreeable society, or in which there is a better tone, united with the most charming gaiety⋯. Religion, which is here of the schismatic Greek creed, does not, properly speaking, hold any great empire over the minds of the Wallachian people, but they observe its outward forms, and particularly the austerities of fasting, with scrupulous exactitude. The people are seen to attend divine ser vice with every sign of respect, and the great number of churches existing in Wallachia, bear witness to the ardent zeal with which outward worship is honored.2 The Romanian Orthodox Church was a national institution, closely linked to social, economic, and po liti cal structures. In most cases, Orthodox hierarchs were appointed from the families of boyars, thus ensuring a close relationship with the state authorities and its policies. As one of the largest landowners in the principalities, the church had a prime role in administrating healthcare and education. Although the majority of the clergy was uneducated, it dispensed both ecclesiastical and civil justice and in many cases worked closely with boyars in local administration.3 The lower clergy not only contributed directly to the economy but also benefited from tax privileges. Some small villages had an unusually high proportion of clergy in comparison to the overall population. For example, in 1810, Stənisləveşti, a village in the south of Wallachia, was composed of eleven houses and had two priests, five deacons, and three cantors; similarly, the Frəsinet village of nineteen houses had two priests and five deacons.4 Although these cases were exceptional, they indicate both the economic value of being a member of the clergy and the wider canonical dimension of church jurisdiction. The special status of the clergy was reflected not only at lower but also at higher levels. Bishops and metropolitans engaged with state policy and in many cases opposition to the authorities led to the loss of a spiritual seat. The metropolitan of each principality worked with the prince and was president of the divan, the gathering of all boyars. He held the right to be the first person to comment on state policy and to make recommendations when the prince was absent. The metropolitan replaced the prince when the principality had no political ruler, such as in the cases of Metropolitan Veniamin Costachi of Moldavia in 1806 and Metropolitan Dositei Filitti of Wallachia, while the bishops of Buzəu and Argeş were members of the provisional government during the Rus sian occupation of the principalities in 1808. The higher clergy had both religious and political prerogatives in relation to foreign powers as evident in their heading of the boyars' delegation to peace negotiation between the Rus sian and Ottoman empires at Focşani in 1772 and addressing memoranda to the Austrian and Rus sian governments in 1802.5 The primary role of the church in the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia was paralleled by the national mobilization of Orthodox communities in the neighboring territories that had Romanian inhabitants. Although throughout the region Orthodox communities were incorporated into church structures as part of the Habsburg, Austrian or Rus sian empires, the nineteenth century was characterized by the leadership's search for political autonomy and the building of a Romanian national identity. The Orthodox communities outside the Old Kingdom maintained relations with the faithful in principalities across the Carpathian Mountains and the Dniester River and sought support in their struggle for political and religious rights.