928 resultados para milieu clinique


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Shanghai possesses an apt legacy, once referred to as ‘Paris of the East’. Municipal aspirations for Shanghai to assume a position among the great fashion cities of the world have been integrated in the recent re-shaping of this modern city into a role model for Chinese creative enterprise yet China is still known primarily as centre of clothing production. Increasingly however, ‘Made in China’ is being replaced by ‘Created in China’ drawing attention to two distinct consumer markets for Chinese designers. Fashion designers who have entered the global fashion system for education or by showing their collections have generally adopted a design aesthetic that aligns with Western markets, allowing little competitive advantage. In contrast, Chinese designers who rest their attention on the domestic Chinese market find a disparate, highly competitive marketplace. The pillars of authenticity that for foreign fashion brands extend far into their cultural and creative histories, often for many decades in the case of Louis Vuitton, Hermes and Christian Dior do not yet exist in China in this era of rapid globalisation. Here, the cultural bedrock allows these same pillars to extend only thirty years or so into the past reaching the moments when Deng Xiaoping granted China’s creative entrepreneurs passage. To this end, interviews with fashion designers in Shanghai have been undertaken during the last twelve months for a PhD dissertation. Production of culture theory has been used to identify working methods, practices of production and the social and cultural milieu necessary for designers to achieve viability. Preliminary findings indicate that some fashion designers have adopted an as-yet unexplored strategy of business and brand development with a distinct Chinese aesthetic at its core, in contrast to the clichéd cultural iconography often viewed by Western viewers as representative of Chinese creativity. The development of this aesthetic is similar to the development of the Scandinavian design ethos that emerged during the 1950s.

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There has been significant attention from the managers and purchasers of health services regarding the economic advantages that result from changes to the patterns of health care delivery in the acute hospital setting. The impact of these changes, whilst often rendering advantage at the economic management level of health care, can have different consequences for the people who deliver and the people who receive health service. This paper reports on a study that was conducted with a group of nurses to investigate the practice milieu of a critical care unit in the context of changes to health service management. Interpretive methods were used to capture the perspective of the nurses and the way they interpret the multiple factors that influence their practice and their practice environment. The findings indicate that the nurses in the study setting interpret these factors according to the influences they have on the structure, the geography and the value of their work. Explication of these findings provides a research base to inform recommendations relating to improving the practice milieu of the critical care environment.

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Nosocomial wound infection is a disease that has to date been primarily understood through the language of science and biomedicine. This paper reports on findings from a sociological, interpretive study that focused on the experiential dimension of this phenomenon. The illness experience of a nosocomial wound infection is examined within a cultural milieu that values the smooth, untroubled body and alternatively ascribes cultural meaning to a body that has a definable illness. Within this context the person with a chronic wound from nosocomial infection defies normative categorisation and is thus situated outside the patterning of society. The human dimension of nosocomial wound infection includes the private, existential and embodied aspects of living with a chronic, infected wound. This report indicates that the experiential dimension is characterised by an embodied state of liminality. People with this illness live an indeterminate existence that is in-between health and illness, cure and disease. As such they have no recognised place in the medical or social world.

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There has been a recent surge of interest in cooking skills in a diverse range of fields, such as health, education and public policy. There appears to be an assumption that cooking skills are in decline and that this is having an adverse impact on individual health and well-being, and family wholesomeness. The problematisation of cooking skills is not new, and can be seen in a number of historical developments that have specified particular pedagogies about food and eating. The purpose of this paper is to examine pedagogies on cooking skills and the importance accorded them. The paper draws on Foucault’s work on governmentality. By using examples from the USA, UK and Australia, the paper demonstrates the ways that authoritative discourses on the know how and the know what about food and cooking – called here ‘savoir fare’ – are developed and promulgated. These discourses, and the moral panics in which they are embedded, require individuals to make choices about what to cook and how to cook, and in doing so establish moral pedagogies concerning good and bad cooking. The development of food literacy programmes, which see cooking skills as life skills, further extends the obligations to ‘cook properly’ to wider populations. The emphasis on cooking knowledge and skills has ushered in new forms of government, firstly, through a relationship between expertise and politics which is readily visible through the authority that underpins the need to develop skills in food provisioning and preparation; secondly, through a new pluralisation of ‘social’ technologies which invites a range of private-public interest through, for example, television cooking programmes featuring cooking skills, albeit it set in a particular milieu of entertainment; and lastly, through a new specification of the subject can be seen in the formation of a choosing subject, one which has to problematise food choice in relation to expert advice and guidance. A governmentality focus shows that as discourses develop about what is the correct level of ‘savoir fare’, new discursive subject positions are opened up. Armed with the understanding of what is considered expert-endorsed acceptable food knowledge, subjects judge themselves through self-surveillance. The result is a powerful food and family morality that is both disciplined and disciplinary.

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Game jams provide design researchers with extraordinary opportunity to watch creative teams in action and recent years have seen a number of projects which seek to illuminate the design process as seen in these events. For example, Gaydos, Harris and Martinez discuss the opportunity of the jam to expose students to principles of design process and design spaces (2011). Rouse muses on the game jam ‘as radical practice’ and a ‘corrective to game creation as it is normally practiced’. His observations about his own experience in a jam emphasise the same artistic endeavour forefronted earlier, where the experience is about creation that is divorced from the instrumental motivations of commercial game design (Rouse 2011) and where the focus is on process over product. Other participants remark on the social milieu of the event as a critical factor and the collaborative opportunity as a rich site to engage participants in design processes (Shin et al, 2012). Shin et al are particularly interested in the notion of the site of the process and the ramifications of participants being in the same location. They applaud the more localized event where there is an emphasis on local participation and collaboration. For other commentators, it is specifically the social experience in the place of the jam is the most important aspect (See Keogh 2011), not the material site but rather the physical embodied experience of ‘being there’ and being part of the event. Participants talk about game jams they have attended in a similar manner to those observations made by Dourish where the experience is layered on top of the physical space of the event (Dourish 2006). It is as if the event has taken on qualities of place where we find echoes of Tuan’s description of a particular site having an aura of history that makes it a very different place, redolent and evocative (Tuan 1977). Re-presenting the experience in place has become the goal of the data visualisation project that has become the focus of our own curated 48hr game jam. Taking our cue from the work of Tim Ingold on embodied practice, we have now established the 48hr game making challenge as a site for data visualisation research in place.

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The impacts of online collaboration and networking among consumers on social media (SM) websites which are featuring user generated content in a form of product reviews, ratings and recommendations (PRRR) as an emerging information source is the focus of this research. The proliferation of websites where consumers are able to post the PRRR and share them with other consumers has altered the marketing environment in which companies, marketers and advertisers operate. This cross-sectional study explored consumers’ attitudes and behaviour toward various information sources (IS), used in the information search phase of the purchasing decision-making process. The study was conducted among 300 international consumers. The results were showing that personal and public IS were far more reliable than commercial. The findings indicate that traditional marketing tools are no longer viable in the SM milieu.

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Research questions: How Chinese Australians capitalise on resources (Capital) and negotiate Chineseness (habitus) through learning Chinese as a Heritage Language (CHL practice) in the lived world (field)? Are Chinese Australians’ Chineseness and their CHL learning co-constructed? What does ‘looking Chinese’ mean in Chinese Australians’ CHL learning? How do Chinese Australians learn CHL within the family milieu?

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This thesis analysed the theoretical and ontological issues of previous scholarship concerning information technology and indigenous people. As an alternative, the thesis used the framework of actor-network-theory, especially through historiographical and ethnographic techniques. The thesis revealed an assemblage of indigenous/digital enactments striving for relevance and avoiding obsolescence. It also recognised heterogeneities- including user-ambivalences, oscillations, noise, non-coherences and disruptions - as part of the milieu of the daily digital lives of indigenous people. By taking heterogeneities into account, the thesis ensured that the data “speaks for itself” and that social inquiry is not overtaken by ideology and ontology.

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Background: The insulin-like growth factor (IGF) system is composed of ligands and receptors which regulate cell proliferation, survival, differentiation and migration. Some functions are regulated via intracellular signaling cascades, others by involvement of the extracellular milieu, including binding proteins and other extracellular matrix proteins. However, understanding of their functions and the exact nature of these interactions remains incomplete. Methods: IGF-I was PEGylated at its lysine sites - K27, K65 and K68. Binding of PEG-IGF-I to the IGFBPs was analyzed using BIAcore and its ability to activate the IGF-IR was assessed using IGF-IR phosphorylation assay. Furthermore, functional consequences of PEGylating the lysine residues of IGF-I was investigated using cell viability and cell migration assays. In addition, particular downstream signaling pathways regularly implicated in these mechanisms were also dissected using phospho-AKT and phospho-ERK1/2 assays. Results: In this study, IGF-I specifically PEGylated at lysine 27 (PEG-K27), 65 (PEG-K65) or 68 (PEG-K68) were employed. Receptor phosphorylation was only reduced by 2-fold with PEG-K65 and PEG-K68 over all the time points tested, and as observed in two cell types, 3T3 fibroblasts and MCF-7 breast cancer cells. PEGylation at K27 resulted in a much larger effect, with more than 10-fold lower activation for 3T3 fibroblasts and a ~3 fold reduced IGF-IR activation for MCF-7 breast cancer cells over 15 minutes. In addition, all PEG-IGF-I variants demonstrated a ten-fold reduction in the association rate to IGF binding proteins (IGFBPs). Functionally, all PEG variants completely lost their ability to induce cell migration in the presence of IGFBP-3/vitronectin (VN) complexes as compared to IGF-I; in contrast, cell viability was fully preserved. Further investigations into the downstream signaling pathways revealed that the PI3-K/AKT pathway was preferentially affected upon treatment with the PEG-IGF-I variants compared to the MAPK/ERK pathway. Conclusion: PEGylation of IGF-I has an impact on cell migration but not cell viability. General significance: PEG-IGF-I may differentially modulate IGF-I mediated functions that are dependent on its interaction with its receptor as well as key extracellular proteins such as VN and IGFBPs.

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Food is a multidimensional construct. It has social, cultural, economic, psychological, emotional, biological, and political dimensions. It is both a material object and a catalyst for a range of social and cultural action. Richly implicated in the social and cultural milieu, food is a central marker of culture and society. Yet little is known about the messages and knowledges in the school curriculum about food. Popular debates around food in schools are largely connected with biomedical issues of obesity, exercise and nutrition. This is a study of the sociological dimensions of food-related messages, practices and knowledge formations in the primary school curriculum. It uses an exploratory, qualitative case study methodology to identify and examine the food activities of a Year 5 class in a Queensland school. Data was gathered over a twoyear period using observation, documentation and interviews methods. Food was found to be an integral part of the primary school's activity. It had economic, symbolic, pedagogic, and instrumental value. Messages about food were found in the official, enacted and hidden curricular which were framed by a food governance framework of legislation, procedures and norms. In the school studied, food knowledge was commodified as a part of a political economy that centred on an 'eat more' message. Certain foods were privileged over others while myths about energy, fruit, fruit juice and sugar shaped student dispositions, values, norms and action. There was little engagement with the cognitive and behavioural dimensions of food and nutrition. The thesis concludes with recommendations for a whole scale reconsideration of food in schools as curricular content and knowledge.

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The 2 hour game jam was performed as part of the State Library of Queensland 'Garage Gamer' series of events, summer 2013, at the SLQ exhibition. An aspect of the exhibition was the series of 'Level Up' game nights. We hosted the first of these - under the auspices of brIGDA, Game On. It was a party - but the focal point of the event was a live streamed 2 hour game jam. Game jams have become popular amongst the game development and design community in recent years, particularly with the growth of the Global Game Jam, a yearly event which brings thousands of game makers together across different sites in different countries. Other established jams take place on-line, for example the Ludum Dare challenge which as been running since 2002. Other challenges follow the same model in more intimate circumstances and it is now common to find institutions and groups holding their own small local game making jams. There are variations around the format, some jams are more competitive than others for example, but a common aspect is the creation of an intense creative crucible centred around team work and ‘accelerated game development’. Works (games) produced during these intense events often display more experimental qualities than those undertaken as commercial projects. In part this is because the typical jam is started with a conceptual design brief, perhaps a single word, or in the case of the specific game jam described in this paper, three words. Teams have to envision the challenge key word/s as a game design using whatever skills and technologies they can and produce a finished working game in the time given. Game jams thus provide design researchers with extraordinary fodder and recent years have also seen a number of projects which seek to illuminate the design process as seen in these events. For example, Gaydos, Harris and Martinez discuss the opportunity of the jam to expose students to principles of design process and design spaces (2011). Rouse muses on the game jam ‘as radical practice’ and a ‘corrective to game creation as it is normally practiced’. His observations about his own experience in a jam emphasise the same artistic endeavour forefronted earlier, where the experience is about creation that is divorced from the instrumental motivations of commercial game design (Rouse 2011) and where the focus is on process over product. Other participants remark on the social milieu of the event as a critical factor and the collaborative opportunity as a rich site to engage participants in design processes (Shin et al, 2012). Shin et al are particularly interested in the notion of the site of the process and the ramifications of participants being in the same location. They applaud the more localized event where there is an emphasis on local participation and collaboration. For other commentators, it is specifically the social experience in the place of the jam is the most important aspect (See Keogh 2011), not the material site but rather the physical embodied experience of ‘being there’ and being part of the event. Participants talk about game jams they have attended in a similar manner to those observations made by Dourish where the experience is layered on top of the physical space of the event (Dourish 2006). It is as if the event has taken on qualities of place where we find echoes of Tuan’s description of a particular site having an aura of history that makes it a very different place, redolent and evocative (Tuan 1977). The 2 hour game jam held during the SLQ Garage Gamer program was all about social experience.

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Shanghai possesses an apt legacy, once referred to as “Paris of the East”. Municipal aspirations for Shanghai to assume a position among the great fashion cities of the world have been integrated in the recent re-shaping of this modern city into a role model for Chinese creative enterprise yet China is still known primarily as centre of clothing production. Increasingly however, “Made in China” is being replaced by “Created in China” drawing attention to two distinct consumer markets for Chinese designers. Fashion designers who have entered the global fashion system for education or by showing their collections have generally adopted a design aesthetic that aligns with Western markets, allowing little competitive advantage. In contrast, Chinese designers who rest their attention on the domestic Chinese market find a disparate, highly competitive marketplace. The pillars of authenticity that for foreign fashion brands extend far into their cultural and creative histories, often for many decades in the case of Louis Vuitton, Hermes and Christian Dior do not yet exist in China in this era of rapid globalisation. Here, the cultural bedrock allows these same pillars to extend only thirty years or so into the past reaching the moments when Deng Xiaoping granted China’s creative entrepreneurs passage. To this end, interviews with fashion designers in Shanghai have been undertaken during the last twelve months for a PhD dissertation. Production of culture theory has been used to identify working methods, practices of production and the social and cultural milieu necessary for designers to achieve viability. Preliminary findings indicate that some fashion designers have adopted an as-yet unexplored strategy of business and brand development with a distinct Chinese aesthetic at its core, in contrast to the clichéd cultural iconography often viewed by Western viewers as representative of Chinese creativity.

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Building knowledge economies seems synonymous with re-imaging urban fabrics. Cities producing vibrant public realms are believed to have better success in distinguishing themselves within a highly competitive market. Many governments are heavily investing in cultural enhancements burgeoning distinctive cosmopolitan centers of which public art is emerging as a significant stakeholder. Brisbane’s goal to grow a knowledge-based economy similarly addresses public art. To stimulate engagement with public art Brisbane City Council has delivered an online public art catalogue and assembled three public art trails, with a fourth newly augmented. While many pieces along these trails are obviously public others question the term ‘public’ through an obscured milieu where a ‘look but don’t touch’ policy is subtly implied. This study investigates the interactional relationship between publics and public art, and in doing so, explores the concept of accessibility. This paper recommends that installations of sculpture within an emerging city should be considered in terms of economic output measured through the degree in which the public engages.

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Shanghai possesses an apt legacy, once referred to as “Paris of the East”. Municipal aspirations for Shanghai to assume a position among the great fashion cities of the world have been integrated in the recent re-shaping of this modern city into a role model for Chinese creative enterprise yet China is still known primarily as centre of clothing production. Increasingly however, “Made in China” is being replaced by “Created in China” drawing attention to two distinct consumer markets for Chinese designers. Fashion designers who have entered the global fashion system for education or by showing their collections have generally adopted a design aesthetic that aligns with Western markets, allowing little competitive advantage. In contrast, Chinese designers who rest their attention on the domestic Chinese market find a disparate, highly competitive marketplace. The pillars of authenticity that for foreign fashion brands extend far into their cultural and creative histories, often for many decades in the case of Louis Vuitton, Hermes and Christian Dior do not yet exist in China in this era of rapid globalisation. Here, the cultural bedrock allows these same pillars to extend only thirty years or so into the past reaching the moments when Deng Xiaoping granted China’s creative entrepreneurs passage. To this end, interviews with fashion designers in Shanghai have been undertaken during the last twelve months for a PhD dissertation. Production of culture theory has been used to identify working methods, practices of production and the social and cultural milieu necessary for designers to achieve viability.

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My thesis is an exploration of the architectural production surrounding the French philosopher Gilles Deleuze, specifically, through the overarching theme of Deleuze’s theory of subjectivity, which I will call subjectivization. I interpret this to mean the strange coalescence of matter, architectural subject, and event, in architectural experience and culture. I speculate that subjectivization presents a yet under-explored dimension of deleuzianism in architecture. In order to develop this I pursue two independent trajectories: firstly the narrative of architectural production surrounding Deleuze, from the 1970s until today, as it is an emergence of changing groupings, alliances, formations and disbandment in the pursuit of creative-intellectual tasks—what might be called the subjectivization of architecture—and, secondly, through a speculation about the architecture of subjectivization—that is, an attempt to explore, concretely, what might be the space and time of subjectivization. Chapter One traces an oral history of deleuzianism in architecture, through conversations with Sanford Kwinter and John Rajchman, describing how the Deleuze milieu makes its way into architectural practice and discussion—subjectivization as a social and cultural emergence—whereas Chapter Two theorizes the emergence of an architectural subjectivity where architecture constitutes its own affective event—what I call subjectivization or material becoming-subject.