998 resultados para indigenous footballers


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The constitution of climate change as an ‘emergency’ invites an appeal to sovereign
power that is troubling in the context of Australia’s colonial history. Climate change is
an unsettling and dispossessing force that, while unprecedented in many ways, can be situated among a series of environmental and social crises that have shaped a discourse of anxious or insecure non-Indigenous belonging in this country. This discourse seeks to render non-Indigenous Australian place as secure and absolute, and understands environmental change as a threat to this goal. This threat appeals to an emergency framing, and in turn to a reassertion, in line with the insights of Agamben, of an exclusive sovereignty that rehearses the foundational dispossessions of colonization. At the same time, climate change is initiating new ways of conceptualizing human relations with place that challenge the value of sovereign status. It enacts realities that refuse a singular emergency and instead generate community from a reorientation of places, times and more-than-human relations. Thought in this way as a creative force that is shaping communities and environments, climate change becomes a source of critical insight for the possibilities of a decolonized future.

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The health outcomes for Indigenous peoples are well publicised as being poorer than that of the rest of the Australian population. The importance of physical activity as part of a balanced approach to health and wellbeing are well documented. Physical inactivity is a significant risk factor for many preventable diseases that many non-Indigenous, but specifically more Indigenous peoples die from. A recent report on Indigenous health indicated that only 23% of adults living in remote and very remote areas, such as Cape York, participated in regular physical activity. Physical activity initiatives in remote Indigenous communities on Cape York are commonly delivered by external agencies that ‘fly in and fly out’. While members of Indigenous communities may engage with the initiatives while they are being provided once the external agencies leave some of the benefits made may be quickly lost. There is no current published literature on the variety, prevalence and outcomes of ‘fly-in fly-out’ physical activity programs, or on the agencies that provide them. An understanding of these factors would facilitate a better understanding of the opportunities available to Indigenous communities on Cape York and provide important foregrounding to an investigation of community capacity for physical activity. The purpose of this study was to investigate the range of physical activity programs being offered by external agencies to Indigenous Cape York communities.

Methods: Five physical activity agencies that routinely engaged with Indigenous communities on Cape York were interviewed. The semi-structured interviews focussed on what activities were being conducted; by whom; when; and their concomitant outcomes. Interviews were recorded and professionally transcribed. Transcriptions were then analysed using content analysis to identify themes.

Results: Each physical activity agency had a variety of ways of engaging with community. The key initial focus point for each provider was the local school. Contacts within the school and opportunities to provide workshop opportunities for the students then facilitated wider community engagement.

Discussion: There were limited opportunities for these agencies to build community capacity to maintain their physical activities due to a variety of reasons that included: resources (both human and material); transient populations and an entrenched culture of ‘having things done to’ rather than with Indigenous people. In order to improve the physical activity outcomes of Indigenous people on Cape York community’s strategies that engage and empower the local population to take control of their needs should be employed.

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There are many Indigenous villages scattered across Bali Island. Most of these villages are located surrounding a mountain so that an Indigenous village in Bali is called 'Bali Aga' or 'Bali Kuna', which means "Mountain Balinese·. Bali has unique Indigenous villages still possessing traditional village patterns in harmony with their natural environment. Natah and telajakan are an integral part of traditional housing patterns in these villages. Both are often forgotten about in contemporary housing developments in Bali, because most people in the Denpasar want to construct their building with a modern style but these do not have an eco-friendly atmosphere.Natah is the open space in the centre of a compound of Balinese traditional buildings. Natah functions as a place for traditional ceremonies; as a centre of building orientation; and, as well as ecological function. Research into natah has demonstrated that the more extensive the natah and the more luxuriant its plants the greater the reductions of wind speed and humidity modification in traditional housing (Primayatna, 2010). This means that the natah direcUy influences a better quality of living in the traditional housing. Telajakan is an outdoor open space pattern of traditional housing which is located between traditional fencing (penyengker) and drainage lines (jelinjingan), which is planted for spiritual and economic functions. Natah and telajakan are largely integral components of Balinese Indigenous villages. Most well-known Indigenous villages in Bali still retain their natural linear sequences of natah and telajakan such as Penglipuran Village, Tenganan Village, etc.The paper examines the role of natah and telajakan as part of Indigenous Balinese housing traditional patterns which serves not only aesthetic functions, but economic functions, health and ecological aspects, and informs the identity of Indigenous villages in Bali. This paper focuses on how both natah and telajakan values and patterns can be adopted for future lifestyles and development in Bali.

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This article considers the meaning of intergroup apologies for their recipients. Our research examined Indigenous people’s responses to the 2008 Australian apology to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples forcibly removed from their families under previous governments (the Stolen Generations). We interviewed Indigenous men (n=10) and women (n=22) about their attitudes toward the apology and forgiveness. To cover the breadth of Indigenous responses to the Australian apology, we sought out participants from diverse geographic, cultural, and occupational contexts across Australia. After pooling the transcripts and entering them into NVivo, we identified key concepts and themes. Participants expressed positive, negative, and mixed views toward the apology and forgiveness. A dominant theme emerged as participants indicated that for the apology to be truly meaningful, there needed to be action commensurate with the emotion of the apology. Though participants indicated that the apology promoted reconciliation, this was not true for forgiveness. We conclude by discussing implications of these findings for theoretical models of intergroup apology.

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Deakin University’s first-year unit, ‘Reading Children’s Texts’, is mandatory for the B.Ed. (Primary). Newly revised, it addresses the cross- curriculum priorities, Indigenous histories and cultures, and Australia’s engagements with Asia. The unit introduces the study of narrative, genre, and ideology. But how should the political topics embedded in the English curriculum be framed for pre-service teachers, and how relevant are literary texts to the teaching of ethical interpretation of texts to both primary and secondary students?

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After democracy (1994) the doors of teaching and learning in music opened widely to include local indigenous music and culture in South Africa. Since 2005, African music has been a vibrant aspect of the music curriculum within the School of Music, North West University, South Africa. Globally tertiary music educators are challenged to include informal pedagogy of indigenous musics within the formal context of university courses. University music courses in South Africa are still predisposed towards ‘western’ music pedagogies. In October 2012, the School of Music invited a visiting expert in African music and dance to offer onsite teaching and learning of Ugandan dance songs to tertiary students. The initiative to include Ugandan music as part of the teaching and learning workshops on African music at the School of Music was funded by the South African Music Rights Organization. The School of Music has an ongoing policy to invite and include culture bearers to share their skills and expertise with students and academics. Such sharing provides culture bearers the opportunity to transmit much needed skills, which are not often offered by academics. UNESCO (2012) identifies scarce knowledge and skills as intangible heritage.

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Recent re-conceptualizations of the ‘public sphere’ facilitated a much needed shift in thinking about identity politics ‘from a substance … to a movement’ (Weibel and Latour, 2007). This laid the foundation for dissolving the ‘emanatist vision’ (Bourdieu, 1990) of self-explanatory and perpetual systems and structures towards the interrogation of actions and performances that simultaneously constitute and are affected by such wider socio-political realities. Most academic contributions, however, remain on a normative or theoretical level without offering empirical insights.

This article introduces Mana Taonga as an Indigenous Māori concept of cultural politics embedded in current museum practice at the Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa (Te Papa). It creates a dialogue between Indigenous Māori practice and Western theory leading to a refined understanding of performative democracy within a museum as forum, or public sphere. The authors argue that a specific museum offers a particular place, space and empirical reality to interrogate seemingly universal concepts such as ‘culture’ and ‘politics’ by blending theoretical notions with an awareness of institutional contexts and practices.

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Background Health economics is increasingly used to inform resource allocation decision-making, however, there is comparatively little evidence relevant to minority groups. In part, this is due to lack of cost and effectiveness data specific to these groups upon which economic evaluations can be based. Consequently, resource allocation decisions often rely on mainstream evidence which may not be representative, resulting in inequitable funding decisions. This paper describes a method to overcome this deficiency for Australia’s Indigenous population. A template has been developed which can adapt mainstream health intervention data to the Indigenous setting.

Methods The ‘Indigenous Health Service Delivery Template’ has been constructed using mixed methods, which include literature review, stakeholder discussions and key informant interviews. The template quantifies the differences in intervention delivery between best practice primary health care for the Indigenous population via Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Services (ACCHSs), and mainstream general practitioner (GP) practices. Differences in costs and outcomes have been identified, measured and valued. This template can then be used to adapt mainstream health intervention data to allow its economic evaluation as if delivered from an ACCHS.

Results The template indicates that more resources are required in the delivery of health interventions via ACCHSs, due to their comprehensive nature. As a result, the costs of such interventions are greater, however this is accompanied by greater benefits due to improved health service access. In the example case of the polypill intervention, 58% more costs were involved in delivery via ACCHSs, with 50% more benefits. Cost-effectiveness ratios were also altered accordingly.

Conclusions The Indigenous Health Service Delivery Template reveals significant differences in the way health interventions are delivered from ACCHSs compared to mainstream GP practices. It is important that these differences are included in the conduct of economic evaluations to ensure results are relevant to Indigenous Australians. Similar techniques would be generalisable to other disadvantaged minority populations. This will allow resource allocation decision-makers access to economic evidence that more accurately represents the needs and context of disadvantaged groups, which is particularly important if addressing health inequities is a stated goal.

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Purpose – Reflexive Antiracism is an approach to antiracism that seeks to avoid the limitations of essentialism and negative emotional reactions through a focus on racialisation (a concept that encompasses both racism and antiracism) as well as the formation and maintenance of racialised identities. This paper aims to outline the construction and validation of a scale to measure this novel theoretical construct: the Reflexive Antiracism Scale-Indigenous (RAS-I).

Design/methodology/approach – In the context of a cultural training course focused on Indigenous peoples in Australia, 20 items to assess attitudes were developed along with four hypothetical scenarios designed to assess behavioural intentions in specific situations. The survey formed by these items and scenarios was piloted to assess test-retest, concurrent and construct validity as well as item endorsement and internal reliability.

Findings – Findings suggest that an 11-item scale based on this survey forms a valid and reliable measure of Reflexive Antiracism. Further research and applications are discussed.

Originality/value
– This paper will prompt further exploration of Reflexive Antiracism as a concept that can be applied in a range of settings where a more nuanced understanding and approach to antiracism may be of benefit. Being aware of their position within a society that is racialised will allow antiracists to be reflexive (and realistic) about their ability as individuals to achieve antiracist ideals while continuing to strive towards them.

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This paper uses self-reported data to illustrate how Indigenous Australians experience discrimination and how it is potentially associated with poor labour market outcomes. After giving consideration to what factors may lead people to report being discriminated against, an empirical analysis of self-reported discrimination is presented, utilising data from the 2008 National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Survey (NATSISS). Correlations between discrimination experienced in different settings are identified, and the association of discrimination with human capital and other characteristics is presented. The results suggest that the main process driving the reporting of discrimination is the extent to which an individual is exposed to situations in which they interact with potential discriminators. This could mean that some Indigenous Australians decrease their labour supply in order to avoid potentially adverse (discriminatory) situations. Implications for understanding Indigenous disadvantage are discussed along with recommendations for both addressing discrimination and enhancing the resilience of individuals facing discrimination.